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格伦特维格, N.F.S. (1783–1872)

麦克斯·劳森(Max Lawson)的文章

格伦特维格Nikolay Frederik Severin 格伦特维格 is Denmark’是唯一的国际地位教育者2,还是神学家,历史学家和作家,他对丹麦的生活产生了深远的影响,即使他在丹麦以外的地方远不如他的年轻当代哲学家SørenKierkegaard(1813-55)和作家汉斯·克里斯蒂安·安徒生(1805-75)。

A clear example of 格伦特维格’s abiding legacy in Denmark is that, of the 754 hymns contained in the Danish Hymnal, 271 were written by 格伦特维格. Much of 格伦特维格’s prolific writings, however, remain unpublished-a collected edition would run to at least a hundred volumes-and it is only comparatively recently that 格伦特维格’s educational writings have been partially translated, for example, into English.3 Yet the Danish folk high-school movement, that these writings inspired, has led to 格伦特维格 being called ‘the father of Western adult education’and interest in 格伦特维格 and the folk high-school movement has extended to developing countries as well.

格伦特维格’s life, particularly the first half, spanned momentous changes in Danish society. In 1788 the laws of adscription, whereby male members of the population were not allowed tomove away from the estate where they were born without permission from the land owner, were abolished. Christian VII followed this reform a year later with the establishment of an education committee. By 1814, laws for compulsory school education were passed. When Denmark took the first steps towards democracy in the 1830s with the establishment of advisory assemblies from the estates of the realm (including the peasantry), 格伦特维格 increased his writings on education, because if the ‘lower orders’ were to have a voice in these advisory assemblies they had to have anappropriate education so they could effectively participate in the proceedings. At first 格伦特维格 had been sceptical of these councils but was soon able to declare that ‘the voice of the people’确实听到了他们的声音,因此他极力追求自己的教育计划。

Before his educational writings of the 1830s, 格伦特维格 had experienced quite a chequered career as a clergyman. He was the very opposite of his father, a clergyman in a country village, who was content with a theology which has been described as pietistic and conservative.4 The younger 格伦特维格, while being influenced by such theology, made several departures from it. Because ofhis polemical writings and often abrasive behaviour, 格伦特维格 was for a considerable part of hislife a preacher who was either forbidden to preach or allowed to preach but not administer the sacraments. It was only through the intervention of Christian VIII on his accession to the Danish throne that 格伦特维格, at the age of 55, at last had a permanent position as chaplain to Vartov, aCopenhagen church home for elderly women. This minor post (which 格伦特维格 held till his deathat the age of 89) gave him the opportunity to continue his voluminous publications; his collected essays on education5 appearing only some weeks before his death.

There is an almost regular pattern in 格伦特维格’s life of being helped out by royal patronage. Long before being appointed to Vartov and subsequently being appointed an honorary bishop by Frederik VII, in 1818 格伦特维格 had been given a royal grant in appreciation for translating Old Norse myths and sagas. 格伦特维格 had also been supported by the King, who gavehim a series of three grants, and by the Queen, who later gave him one, to visit England in 1812, 1830, 1831 and 1843, respectively.

It was these first three visits, where 格伦特维格 was able to observe British education firsthand while continuing his work on Nordic mythology, together with the rapidly changing politicaland social scene in Denmark, that coalesced and enabled him to produce in the 1830s a series ofwritings in which the idea of the Danish folk high school was born.

活字

In 格伦特维格’作为1832年对斯堪的纳维亚神话的研究《北欧神话》的序言,可以窥见到未来丹麦民间高中的第一幕:

该机构将有一个共同的中心,它从中心延伸到实践生活的所有主要方面,并在此中心努力收集和团结社会的所有能量。在这里,所有不需要奖学金,但生活,洞察力和实践能力的国家公务员,以及所有希望属于受过教育的人的人,都应该有最大的机会朝着合适的方向发展并走向彼此认识。6

Although 格伦特维格’民间神话中关于民俗中学的想法是最萌芽的形式’, nevertheless, this work does contain a full dress-rehearsal for 格伦特维格’后来袭击了“死亡学校”’, as he called the Latin grammar schools. Latin is ridiculed mercilessly; its literature 格伦特维格 considers to be an ‘abomination …模仿作品,不像希腊和OldNorse并非源于人们的生活’.7 In 格伦特维格’与罗马诺-意大利人的“无聊而无生命的学习”形成对比’8 with the vivid oral traditions behind Greek and Norsemythology, there is a foreshadowing of the great importance 格伦特维格 was to give to oral communication in his plans for education.

格伦特维格’s first long book to deal with education, Det danske für-kløver [The Danishfour-leaf clover], was written in 1836 as a response to the first sessions of the Provisional Advisory Councils, promulgated in 1831 but not meeting till 1835-36. Although 格伦特维格 was delighted atthese assemblies that ‘the People’声音从死里复活’,但他对当时的“可爱”状态感到绝望’四叶草-国王,人民,家园,母语-认为他的任务是“写我认为必须要做的事,这样才能使稀有而精美的花朵远离凋谢,加强并抬起头来领域的荣耀’.9

The solution was to be, 格伦特维格 claimed, ‘the Voice of the People’要求丹麦的一所民办高中,“一切都围绕国王与人民,祖国和母亲的舌头,而那些吟诵国王与祖国的吟游诗人被迫从人民的嘴里说出来的地方被迫使自己对两者有用食物和荣誉’.10

这强调了“吟游诗人”的中心地位’或skald与Grundtvig一致’北欧神话中的冠军’北欧神话中的北欧神话。具讽刺意味的是,格伦德维格称自己为a子,并声称the子是百姓的真正老师,因为它有能力“完全唤醒和滋养对家园的爱,并在母语中获得力量和丰富性’.11因此,丹麦神话,传说和诗歌在丹麦第一所民俗中学课程中的中心地位,并高度重视过去的口头传统和口头交流,特别是讲故事和讲故事具有丰富的历史先例。当下。确实,在早期的民间高中做笔记常常是不被鼓励的。有一个常说的故事,民间高中校长克里斯汀·科尔德(Christen Kold)首先对早期的民间高中运动做出了独特的塑造,对学生做出以下评论’他抱怨说,如果不做笔记,他将不记得说了什么:

不用担心那个。如果我们谈论的是死知识,那将是另一回事。就像田野里发生的事情一样。如果将排水管放入地面,则必须标记该位置以便再次找到它们。但是当我们播种玉米时,无需标记位置,因为它再次出现。您可能会确定,当您想要它们时,从我这里听到的快乐的事情会再次出现’.12

Running parallel with 格伦特维格’他在民间高中概念中赢得了旧吟游诗人冠军和oraltradition的中心地位,是他不断地攻击拉丁语,“这里(丹麦)的统治语言已有六百年了’13及其文法学校资料库“死亡学校”’ as opposed to 格伦特维格’s ‘Schools for Life’体现“活字”’.

是在“丹麦四叶草”中’ (1836) that 格伦特维格 spells out his basic educational aim, Livsoplysning [Enlightenment about life], claiming that enlightenment ‘must originate mostlyfrom the single person’自己的生活,或者至少要尝试看看生活如何适应’,14 but it is not till two years later in Skolen för livet og akademiet i Søro [The school for life and academy at Søro] (1838) that 格伦特维格 (following a request by King Christian VIII) attempts to develop his educational ideas.

‘生活学校’ continues 格伦特维格’受到拉丁研究的猛烈攻击,其中他声称他花了三十年的时间才将“罗马和拉丁语从我的系统中排除”’,15 but he is even morenegative about book knowledge and examinations. In a poetic vein, 格伦特维格 claims ‘for all lettersare dead even if written by fingers of angels and ribs of stars, all book knowledge is dead that is notunified with a corresponding life in the reader’.16

这些知识必须涉及“与他人保持联系和互动”’.17在“生命的学校”的第二部分’, where 格伦特维格 sketches the beginnings of a programme for hisproposed school, he talks of ‘mutual education’和“活泼互动’作为他的教育建议的核心。正如K. E. Bugge教授所强调的那样,“生活互动’ is especially well suited to be the basic formula for 格伦特维格’s educational theory.18 Clearly 格伦特维格’s ‘School for life’必须建立在这样的基础上。

‘生活互动’可以看作是Grundtvig的长期推论’的“活字”的概念’,与Grundtvig密切相关的短语,并深深地融入了他成熟的神学思想的结构。在神学背景下,“活字”’是基督在《最后的晚餐》中使用的术语。关键是这个圣礼不是沉默的,而是在格兰德维格’的话语“,伴随着我们舌头上用来凝聚精神和身体的那美妙而无形的事物的发声;那就是这个道理,不是我们柔弱的道理,而是耶稣全能的道理’.19圣礼也是互动的:回应基督’部长重复的话,其中基督’感觉到人们的持续存在,聚集的基督教社区将面包和葡萄酒的元素都带入了生活。在世俗的语境中,Grundtvig的意思是“活字’不是正式的教学或讲课,而是老师与被教者之间的个人生活交流;这些教义要么生活在教师的生活中,要么受到学生的积极回应,要么根本就不活着,这些教义仅仅是一句空话。 “活字”’不是圣经的原教旨主义,而是“真理”的精神交流’,权力和权威之言在听众中引起积极的反响。这个概念是从其神学背景扩展而来的,并不局限于实际的课堂。确实,在民间高中共享住宿学习社区的更广泛生活中经常可以找到它的最恰当表达。

During the 1840s 格伦特维格 continued to write on the need for Danish folk high schools, particularly in Bøn og begreb om en danske høiskole i søro [Request for and idea of a Danish folkhigh school in Søro] (1840) and in a section on the Danish folk high school in Lyknskoning til Danmark med det danske dummerhoved og den danske høiskole [Congratulations to Denmark onthe Danish block heads and the Danish high school] (1847), which latter work may be said to round off 格伦特维格’教育方面作家的发展。

In this period of writing 格伦特维格 becomes more concerned with the actual organizationof the folk high school: details like students’ councils, mutual teaching and conversation on Danish community matters. 格伦特维格 took up the issue that if ordinary people were to have a say in the shaping of Denmark’参与人的命运’理事会最好在民办高中接受自治培训,其中在所有重要事项上,“管家(或校长的名字都应先行咨询)首先要咨询学校理事会,由学生自己选出(几乎全部)成员’.20

时至今日,尽管民办中学的学历各异,但参与民办中学的办学仍然是民办中学运动理念中的重要部分。

重新定义校长为“管家”’ is a clue to what 格伦特维格 meant by mutual teaching. The life experience the students brought to the folk high school was to be respected, and a primary emphasis was on exploring what the students and teachers had in common rather than onemphasizing differences.

格伦特维格 had at first hoped to implement his ideas at Søro Academy, an institution withrich historical associations dating from 1586-in fact, according to 格伦特维格, from the time of Bishop Absalon (twelfth century).21 It flourished for some two hundred years, and was then closedonly to be re-established as an academy again in 1826 by the Danish King. From this time onwards 格伦特维格 saw this venue as a distinct possibility for implementing his educational ideas.

The Søro Academy underwent many reforms after its re-opening, culminating in 1847 when a royal resolution announced the opening of a practical high school at the institute. Althoughthis school in many ways was not what 格伦特维格 intended, he nevertheless congratulated the Kingand Denmark on the establishment of the Danish high school: ‘I have only one prefatory remark,namely that it become a really Danish school’.22 In the course of his congratulatory remarks in this 1847 essay 格伦特维格 hoped that all the students who attended, having already found a vocation before coming to the school, ‘would return to their task with increased desire, with clearer views ofhuman and civic conditions, particularly in their own country, and with an increased joy in thecommunity of people’.23

格伦特维格 envisaged his folk high schools as having a mixture of students from differentsocio-economic strata as well as different age-groups, all coming together to further his stress onfellowship and to help realize his claims that our common humanity takes precedence overparticular religious or political beliefs.

This stress on fellowship in the residential folk high schools is clearly related to 格伦特维格’s theological belief that the Church was not a Bible-reading circle but a fellowship of believers.Nevertheless, 格伦特维格 was adamant that the systematic teaching of religion had noplace in the folk high school or, for that matter, in any state primary or secondary education-it was a matter for the Church alone.

It may seem surprising that 格伦特维格 as a clergyman would want to repudiate religiousinstruction in schools, but this must be seen in the context of another of his puzzling concepts:‘First, the human, then the Christian’. By these words 格伦特维格 meant that one cannot be a true Christian without first being a true human being.

Thus, despite frequent obscurity of expression, there are a number of common threads thatrun through 格伦特维格’教育思想:师生团契,共同生活,一起工作,互相学习,并分享学校的运作;活字的重要性’;即使一个人需要对一个人有透彻的了解’在了解别人的文化之前自己的文化;最重要的是,教育是“生活互动”’,导致启蒙,达成一个人的意思’自己的存在,而不是职业培训或正式指导。

第一所民办中学

格伦特维格 himself did not found any folk high schools and his relationship to the development of the folk high-school movement that invoked his name is sometimes puzzling. For his part, except for tending to the needs of his congregation at Vartov, 格伦特维格 rarely left his study, trying as hewryly put it ‘to write himself into clarity’。但是,在瓦尔托夫(Vartov),有一个奇异的光辉’24about the church life that served as the focal point for the spread of 格伦特维格ianism throughout Denmark in the next generation.

While 格伦特维格 was tied to his study and his congregation at Vartov, it was left to othersto develop the folk high-school movement. Although the first folk high school was founded atRødding in South Jutland in 1844, it was not until Christen Kold founded his school in 1851 thatGrundtvig was to have a disciple who ensured the development of the folk high-school movement,even if in a different form than that which 格伦特维格 had intended. Nevertheless, the link with 格伦特维格 remained strong because Kold used to visit him annually with long lists of questions which ‘Grundtvig helped me so wonderfully to get all smoothed out’.25

格伦特维格, however, did not visit the early folk high schools, not even the first one atRødding, despite having received many invitations to do so. It was not until 1856, when 格伦特维格became involved in the founding of Marielyst high school outside Copenhagen, that he became aregular speaker at such an establishment. This early reluctance of 格伦特维格 to be involved in the initial development of the folk high-school movement has been explained by Bugge as beingbecause 格伦特维格 still held out hopes of realising his dream of a big state school at Søro, hopes which were only finally dashed by the death of his benefactor Christian VIII in 1848 and the closingdown of the Søro Academy in 1849.25

到1864年,已经建立了15所民间高中,但是在那年,丹麦被普鲁士奥地利军队击败,失去了石勒苏益格。这对新兴的民间高中运动产生了影响。

石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州的争端是一件复杂的事情:丹麦国王是石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州的公爵,石勒苏益格是丹麦的最南端,而荷斯坦则属于德意志帝国。这种情况在1848-50年和1864年引发了战争。’失败意味着丹麦统治者损失了15万至20万丹麦北石勒苏益格人。直到1920年全民公决后,北石勒苏益格才被归还丹麦,而南石勒苏益格和荷尔斯泰因州仍然是德国的一部分。

石勒苏益格的丧失对于刚起步的民间高中运动具有重要的象征意义。罗德(Rødding)是第一所民办高中开设的地方,现在在德国境内。该校校长卢德维格·施罗德(Ludvig Schroder)带着两名助理老师搬到了新边境以北三公里处的阿斯科夫(Askov),高中在那儿成立了并模仿其他民办中学’.27

可以理解,在如此靠近德国的地方,阿斯科夫(Askov)做出了特别的努力来保护丹麦文化的各个方面。其他民办中学也跟随Askov’后来被称为“民间高中运动的黄金时代”’.28

Although, with hindsight,during this period the folk high school may seem to have been excessively nationalistic, this is a result of historical circumstances and a justification for such nationalism should not be sought in 格伦特维格’s own writings.Although 格伦特维格 wanted students to have a thorough understanding of conditions intheir own country, this does not mean that he was an ardent super-nationalist, as he is sometimes depicted.29 Indeed, 格伦特维格 had a pronounced respect for other people’他对丹麦政府的反对非常清楚地表明了其保护自己身份的权利’试图通过禁止在两次石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因战争之间使用德语的语言法规来促进丹麦人对石勒苏益格的同情。30

Misunderstandings arise from 格伦特维格’术语“民俗化”的使用。据说是不可翻译的,但也许是彼得·曼尼切(Peter Manniche)’将该术语翻译为“让每个人都怀念的社区生活”’31是有帮助的。它关系到一个民族的身份认同’sliterature, poetry and way of life.32 Paradoxically, 格伦特维格, following the philosopher Herder,argued that unless a nation has a strong sense of identity it is stuck in the nationalistic phase, and tends to expand and conquer at the expense of weaker neighbours.

Folkelighed, rather than promoting a narrow nationalism, must be seen as promoting, as Bugge has suggested,33 a means of defending a small country such as Denmark from beingculturally crushed by more powerful nations. Another 格伦特维格ian scholar, Erica Simon, seessimilarities between 格伦特维格’的民俗主义者和莱奥波德·桑戈尔’s ‘negritude’,这被定义为“由各种态度和性格构成的复杂事物,它们构成了黑人的集体人格并决定了他们对世界的独特看法’.34

世界公民

In many ways 格伦特维格 was a citizen of the world, symbolized by his writing not a history ofDenmark but a three-volume history of the world. One of his twentieth-century followers, Peter Manniche (who, in 1921, founded the International People’s College at Elsinore), always stressed 格伦特维格’具有国际意义,并声称经过适当调整的民间高中运动可以为发展中国家提供很多帮助。

民间高中不仅是一种高度个人化的教育形式,有助于为从“家庭,部族或氏族中流离失所的人们恢复安全感”’,35,但它根据学生情况调整了课程表。例如,曼尼切(Manniche)强调,在很长一段时间内,丹麦民俗中学帮助丹麦农民发展了充分的能力,可以返回并留在他们的工作中。因此,曼尼切(Manniche)认为,这一原则尤其向海外农村发展学校推荐:“这些学校必须拥有可以接受教育的领导人,而不必长时间离开村庄,也不再习惯并依赖城市的便利设施’.36

至于丹麦本身,民办中学的人口性质发生了变化,丹麦社会的整体结构也发生了变化。在整个19世纪至20世纪的相当一部分时间里,丹麦的民间高中运动被认为是一种农村现象,但是从1950年代到1960年代,丹麦的经济不再像以前那样从一种农业转变为另一种农业。在19世纪,丹麦从农业经济转变为工业经济。

Initially it was thought that 格伦特维格’的思想和民办中学的教育创新无法幸免于20世纪。到1940年,丹麦只有54所中学,因此怀旧的历史可以追溯到“黄金时代”’ following the rapidexpansion of these schools after the Schleswig-Holstein war of 1864. But the 1980s saw aremarkable resurgence of the folk high-school movement-even if its clientele, including urbanunemployed and refugees, changed considerably. The number of folk high schools has fluctuatedslightly around the 100 mark in recent years in Denmark, showing a similar vitality in Sweden, Norway and Finland, and continuing activities in other countries such as Germany and Poland. Indeed, 格伦特维格’尽管生活在18世纪30年代和1840年代颁布了短期住房学院的计划,用生命本身代替死了的知识,考试也许是一种教育创新,但计划尚未完全付诸实践。

笔记

1.马克斯·劳森(澳大利亚)。新英格兰大学阿米代尔大学社会,文化与课程研究系教育高级讲师,他在那里还教授教育和和平教育的历史课程。与R.C.合着渐进式教育的彼得森:简介和关于渐进式教育和替代学校的理论与实践的大量文章。

2. I would like to thank Paster Folmer Johansen of the Danish Lutheran Church in Sydney, New South Wales,Australia, for translating some of 格伦特维格’迄今为止尚无英文的教育著作,以及哥本哈根皇家丹麦教育研究学院的K. E. Bugge教授的出色建议。

2. J. Knudsen (ed.), N. F. S. 格伦特维格: selected writings, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1976 (out of print); andN. L. Jensen (ed.), A 格伦特维格 anthology, Cambridge, James Clarke & Co., 1984.

3. K. E. Bugge,《生命的学校》,第7页。 362,哥本哈根,G.E.C.盖兹·弗拉格(1965年)。

4. Smaaskrifter om den historiskehøiskole[有关历史高中的小著作],1872年。

5. N. F. S. 格伦特维格, ‘Preface to nordic mythology’,在N. L. Jensen(编辑),同上。 cit。,p。 50

6.同上,p。 39。

7.同上,p。 41。

8. N. F. S. 格伦特维格, The Danish four-leaf clover (translated by F. Johansen), unpublished.

9.同上。

10.同上。

11. N. Davies,《终身教育:丹麦的先驱》,第6页。 118,伦敦,威廉姆斯& Norgate, 1931.

12. N. F. S. 格伦特维格, The Danish four-leaf clover, op. cit.

13.同上。

14. N. F. S. 格伦特维格, ‘The school for life’,在N. L. Jensen(编辑),同上。 cit。,p。 74。

15.同上,p。 66。

16.同上,p。 74。

17. K. E. Bugge,‘Grundtvig’s educational ideas’, in C. Thodberg and A. P. Thyssen (eds.), N. F. S. 格伦特维格:tradition and renewal, p. 30, Copenhagen, Danish Institute, 1983.

18.引用于戴维斯(N. Davies),前引。 cit。,p。 61。

19. N. F. S. 格伦特维格, Request for and idea of a Danish folk high school in Søro (translated by F. Johansen).

20. A. P. Thyssen,‘Grundtvig’关于教会和人民的思想,1825-47年′,在C. Thodberg和A. P. Thyssen(ed。),同上。 cit。,p。 272。

21. N. F. S. 格伦特维格, ‘Congratulations to Denmark on the Danish blockheads and the Danish high school’,inJ。努森(编辑),同上。 cit。,p。 161。

22.同上,p。 162。

23. N. Davies,同前。 cit。,p。 171。

24. H. Koch, 格伦特维格 (translated by L. Jones), p. 112, Yellow Springs, Ohio, The Antioch Press, 1952.

25. K. E. Bugge,‘Grundtvig’s educational ideas’,在C. Thodberg和A. P. Thyssen(ed。),同上。 cit。,p。 24

26. T.Rørdom,丹麦民间高中,译。由艾莉森·伯奇-约翰森(Alison Borch-Johansen),第6页。 46,哥本哈根,丹斯凯·塞尔斯卡布,1986。

27.同上,p。 52。

28. See, for example, E. F. Fain, ‘Nationalist origins of the folk high school: the romantic visions ofN. F. S. 格伦特维格’,英国教育研究杂志(英国牛津),第第XIX,1971年,第70-90页。

29. P. Ram, Nikolay Frederik Severin 格伦特维格, p. 67, Copenhagen, Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs,1983.

30. P. Manniche,国际人民’s学院,1921-1971年,第2页。 21岁,Elsinore,国际人士’sCollege, 1971.

31. K. E. Bugge, ‘N. F. S. 格伦特维格’,见J. E. Thomas和B. Elsey(主编),《成人教育国际传记》,第2页。 223,诺丁汉大学,诺丁汉大学成人教育系,1985。

32.同上。

33. Irele Abiola(ed。),《莱奥波德·塞达尔·森戈尔诗选》,第152页。 22,剑桥,剑桥大学出版社,1977年。

34. P. Manniche,同上。 cit。,p。 72。

35.同上,p。 73。

Works by 格伦特维格

The definitive Danish edition of 格伦特维格’s writings on education is:Bugge, K.S. (ed.). 格伦特维格s skole verden [Grundtvig’的教育世界]。 2卷G.E.C.哥本哈根Gads Forlag,1968年。

The only collection of 格伦特维格’s educational writings (in English) is: Lawson, Max (ed.). N. F. S. 格伦特维格: selected educational writings. Elsinore, Denmark, International People’1991年,学院和民间中学协会。

The main writings of 格伦特维格 that deal solely or in part with education are as follows:

Det danskefür-kløverpartrisk eller danskheden betragtet [从部分观点看丹麦四叶草或丹麦国籍],1836年。

Af 格伦特维格s rigsdagstaler [Grundtvig’大会前的讲话],1848年。

Lykønskningtil Danmark遇到了det danske dummerhoved og den danskehøiskole(祝贺丹麦以丹麦的傻瓜和丹麦高中毕业),1847年。

Af nordens mythologi [北欧神话],1832年。

蒂尔·彼得·拉尔森·克拉普彭堡·唐斯(Til Peter Larsen Skraeppenborg i Dons)(致顿的彼得·拉尔森·克拉普彭伯格的信),1854年。

1834年,国家统计局(Af statmaessig)发起抗日战争。1836年,斯科伦(Skolen)成立生命科学和生命学院。

伦敦大学和索罗学院[伦敦大学和索罗学院],1829年。

The part of Af nordens mythologi (1832) dealing with education is in Bugge (see above) and also in English in: Jensen, N. L. (ed.). A 格伦特维格 anthology. London, Darton, Longman & Todd, 1983.

A selection of Af statsmaessig oplysning (1834) is in the edition of Bugge (see above), but has also been edited in fullas:Bugge, K. E.; Nielsen, V. N. F. S. 格伦特维格: statsmaessig oplysning. Copenhagen, Nyt Nordisk Forlag Arnold Busck, 1983.

All the remaining educational writings of 格伦特维格 listed above are in K.E. Bugge’s二元选择或Lawson选择。

Works on 格伦特维格

Allen, E. L. Bishop 格伦特维格: a prophet of the north. London, James Clarke & Co., 1949.

Bugge, K. E. Skolen for livet. studier over N.F.S. 格伦特维格 pedagogiske tanker [The school for life: studies on N. F.S. 格伦特维格’的教育理念]。 1965年。

Collins, J. (ed.). Australian papers on N. F. S. 格伦特维格. Newcastle, New South Wales, University of Newcastle,Department of 社区 Programs, 1983.

Dam, P. N. F. S. 格伦特维格. Copenhagen, Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1983.

戴维斯(N. Davies),终身教育:丹麦的先驱。伦敦威廉姆斯& Norgate, 1931.

Det Danske Selskab (ed.). 格伦特维格’在北美的想法。哥本哈根,丹·丹斯克·塞尔卡布(Det Danske Selkab),1983年。

Jensen, N. L. et al. (eds.). A 格伦特维格 anthology. London, Darton, Longman & Todd, 1983.

Knudsen, J. (ed). N. F. S. 格伦特维格: selected writings. Philadelphia, Pa., Fortress Press, 1970.

Koch, H. 格伦特维格. Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1944 (English edition translated by Llewelyn Jones and published bythe Antioch Press, Yellow Springs, Ohio, 1952.)

Thaning,K. Menneskeførst– 格伦特维格s opgør met sig selv 1-111 [First a man-Grundtvig’与自己的战斗]。 3卷1963年。–. 格伦特维格. Copenhagen, Det Danske Selskab, 1972.

Lawson, M. N. F. S. 格伦特维格 and the Origins of the Danish Folk School. In: 教育 research and perspectives(Nedlands, Australia), Vol. 16, no 2, December 1989, p. 3-11.

Lindhart, P. G. 格伦特维格: an introduction. London, S.P.C.K., 1951.

E. Stabler。创始人:1830-1980年的教育创新者。艾伯塔省,艾伯塔大学出版社,1983年。

A comprehensive bibliography of Danish and English secondary sources on 格伦特维格 is to be found in: Thodberg, C.; Thyssen, A. P. N. F. S. 格伦特维格: tradition and renewal. Copenhagen, Det Danske Selskab, 1983.

有关丹麦民间高中本身的丹麦语和英语第二资源的精选书目,请参见出色的研究:

Borish,S. M.生活的地方:丹麦的民办中学和丹麦’非暴力的现代化道路。加利福尼亚州内华达市,蓝色海豚出版社,1991年。

版权notice

该案文最初发表于《前景:比较教育季评》(巴黎,教科文组织:国际教育局),第一卷。第二十三号3 / 4,1993年,第2页。 613-23。

经许可转载。要获取本文的PDF版本,请使用:

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图片来源:vufintern.dk。

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