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福泽, Yukichi (1835–1901)


Yukichi 福泽In Japan, one can see a portrait of 福泽 Yukichi on every 10,000-yen note. This is official recognition of his dedication to the cause of introducing Western institutions and thought into Japan. Some people, however, may wonder why such a man wears traditional Japanese robes. Although there are a number of pictures of 福泽, only a few are in Western attire. It seems that this reflects his basic stance: he always emphasized the spiritual revolution rather than thespurious imitation of things Western.

福泽 first learned Dutch and later changed to English studies; he visited the United States twice and travelled through Europe for almost a year before the Meiji Restoration (1868). On these journeys he was able to perceive the basic ‘stones and pillars’西方发展的现代社会。在那里,他还构思出了自己的显性命运教育和新闻学。第二次航行后不久,他开始建立自己的学校,庆应义ij,该校将培养许多在商业,工业和政治领域有才华的毕业生。

福泽 published numerous pamphlets and textbooks that were used in the emerging modern schools and were also welcomed by a variety of other types of reader. The great attractionof these writings was not only that the topics were new, but that the style was revolutionary in itssimplicity. The Japanese people were able to learn much about the forthcoming civilization from theso-called ‘Fukuzawa books’.

福泽 also wrote many books and 文章s for scholars. These were mostly published by the university press or through the newspaper, Jiji-shimpo [Times], that he launched in 1882. From that time on, 福泽 wrote numerous 文章s and satires on various contemporary issues, such as politics, international relations, economic and financial problems, educational policy,women’的权利和道德准则。

他的主题可以概括为“独立”’-since he believed thatpersonal and national independence was the real foundation of modern society in the West. In orderto achieve this self-independence, 福泽 advocated Western, or practical and scientific,learning, instead of the traditional studies of the Chinese classics. The more educated the peoplebecame, the better their national independence could be asserted, with a corresponding increase inpublic virtue and social morality.

Although 福泽 apparently learned much from Western thinkers, he was not blindly attached to Western civilization. He was well aware of its flaws, but realized that Westerncivilization was technologically superior to the Japanese situation, and he concluded that theJapanese people could use it as a model. He seemed, however, to have anticipated the difficultiesthat arose in revolutionizing the minds of his countrymen.


福泽 was born in Osaka in 1835. This was a period that had been preceded by two centuries of isolation from the rest of the world and was to be followed nineteen years later by the opening up of Japan. The governing bodies of the Shogunate and the 260 domains which had held power2 for so long had not been able to adjust to the profound changes taking place in society. They were trying desperately to tackle the chronic suffering brought about by the budget deficit by means of political and economic changes.

福泽’s family lived in Osaka, at that time the trading centre of Japan. His father worked as a low-level treasury officer representing his home domain of Nakatsu (a province in the northern part of the island of Kyushu). His class in society was that of samurai, but of low rank with a modest hereditary position. The job did not appeal to 福泽’是他的父亲,但他一直忠于职守,直到福泽出生后不到18个月才突然去世,享年44岁。

The widowed mother returned to Nakatsu to bring up her two sons and three daughters. Their allowance reduced them to poverty, and they were obliged to supplement their income with casual paid work in the home. 福泽 himself repaired sandals and did other odd jobs. There was no money to send him to school until he was 14, ten years after the usual starting age. Elementary education at the time was divided between one type of school for mal e children of samurai, and another for children of commoners.3 Sons of samurai, aged 5-7, learned the Chinese classics from either their father or some relative and masters of neo-Confucian learning, who often ran private classes or schools. Secondary and/or higher education was provided either inprivate schools or in the domanial school. Since the mid-eighteenth century, most of the largedomains had inaugurated domanial schools. The domain of Nakatsu had it own school, but entry was restricted, the rank of the student’家庭是一个重要因素。一个低级武士的儿子,即使他是长子,也没有资格进入该国学校。

在一个孤立的日本内部可以进行的学习受到政府法令的限制,但是想像日本完全被切断将过于简单化。自16世纪以来,西方人曾访问过日本,但从1640年代初开始就被禁止进入日本。在小岛化岛上,只有荷兰商人被允许留下来。幕府将军严格控制了与外界的这种接触,商人,口译员和军队前往出岛需要特殊许可。尽管如此,西方知识,特别是医学和自然科学,还是通过幕府将军过滤掉了’s barriers and was diffused throughout the country. Eighty years before 福泽’当时,几位日本医师率先翻译了荷兰版《 J.A.》。古鲁姆斯’ Tabulae anatomicae (Ontleedkundige tafelen).4 The commodity of Western learning was in limited supply, strictly controlled and sometimes constituted a dangerfor its students, but it existed nevertheless.When 福泽 attended school he soon revealed his ability. While he excelled inside theclassroom, outside his low rank left him vulnerable. When playing with his upper-samuraiclassmates, the lower-ranking 福泽 was the brunt of their arrogance. Class divisions were stillstrict enough to prohibit marriages between the two groups. Even as a young man 福泽 wasaware of and deeply resented the inequality of the system.5

The arrival of the United States fleet in the summer of 1853 sent a profound shock throughout the country-to samurai and commoner alike. For 福泽 it meant that he was asked by his brother (who had inherited his father’s position) to go to Nagasaki to learn Dutch inorder to master Western gunnery. The elder brother wished to give 福泽 a unique opportunity and expected him to render a service to his lord in the future. 福泽 accepted his suggestion with no real understanding of what Dutch was or what threat was represented from the outside-he was, however, most anxious to leave his home town.

They left for Nagasaki one month before the Treaty of Peace and Amity between Japan and the United States. 福泽 became a servant/student to the councillor of Nakatsu’的继承人,出于同样的目的在那里。由于他几乎无法在那里学习字母,因此他被转到了“大师”’确实对荷兰语不太了解的枪手。尽管在长崎的荷兰研究没有取得重大进展,但议员’s son was jealous of 福泽. He fabricated a story that 福泽’s mother was ill in Nakatsu, showed him a falsified letter, and suggested that 福泽 return home. 福泽 discovered the false hoodbut decided to leave Nagasaki anyway. Having no money, he forged the signature of an official and charged his expenses to the domanial warehouse in Osaka. Instead of heading for home, he went to Edo (now Tokyo), 1,000 kilometers to the north, to continue his studies.

The boat trip across the Inland Sea took two weeks owing to the numerous stops. En route, 福泽 disembarked and walked through the night to reach the Osaka domanial warehouse where his brother, Sannosuke, was stationed. He persuaded 福泽 to stay and enrolin a Dutch-language school at Tekijuku, which was run by a physician, Ogata Koan (1810-63). The school did not teach medicine exclusively; rather Ogata was successful in distributing vaccines inJapan and educating many young men like 福泽 who would later participate in the building ofthe modern nation.6

During 福泽’s three-year stay at Tekijuku, both he and his older brother fell ill and were sent back to Nakatsu to recover. But Sannosuke died and 福泽 succeeded him in performing guard duty at the castle, since he had no experience as a treasurer to take over his father’s old job. He begged his mother to let him return again to study at Tekijuku and subsequently received official permission to do so. In the next year, 福泽 became the top student at the school and his auto biographyrecalls fond memories of his schooldays.7 It is worth mentioning that, with his colleagues, hestudied mainly physics, chemistry and physiology, and copied and translated a Dutch book on theart of fort-building.


In the autumn of 1858, 福泽 was appointed teacher of Dutch to the vassals of the domain of Nakatsu. The course was to be held in the second domanial house of Edo. This time 福泽 travelled on foot to Edo with ‘real money’和一个仆人。这个“仆人”’实际上是他的同事,他想去江户,后来又完成了一个统计表的翻译,给出了所有国家的数据。8

July 1859 marked the opening of three ports in Japan according to terms of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, signed in the previous year with the United States and some European nations. Soon after the opening, 福泽 went to visit Kanagawa (now Yokohama) and was disappointed to find that he could not read the signs or make himself understood. English was the language of the port city. He then decided to learn English, but his progress was slow since he could find neither a good teacher nor a good dictionary.

Within the terms of the Treaty the Shogunate decided to dispatch envoys to the United States. 福泽 immediately volunteered his services to Admiral Kimura Yoshitake (1830-1901).After thirty-seven days at sea on a voyage marked by consecutive storms, they reached SanFrancisco in the spring of 1860. During his one-month stay, 福泽’最重要的收购是韦伯斯特’的字典和与摄影师合​​影留念’大女儿。经口译员约翰·曼吉罗推荐的这本字典,9被认为是福泽’是理解现代文明的智力武器。

After his return, 福泽 was employed in the foreign affairs office of the Shogunate translating diplomatic documents. The next year he married Okin, the daughter of an upper-rank samurai from his home domain. Once again, in 1867, 福泽 was able to go to the United States. This time the mission visited Washington and New York to negotiate on the unsettled purchase of a warship from the United States’ Government. 福泽’真正的目的是为被迫手工复制课本的学生购买课本。他在预算范围内购买了尽可能多的书。

福泽’s most important voyage was with the mission to Europe, whose assignment was to negotiate the postponement of additional port openings and an adjustment of the exchange rate. It failed on both accounts, but travelled through France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Russia and Portugal. 福泽, acting as translator, observed many new things and institutions such as hospitals, arsenals, mines and schools. Based on what he saw and read in the year-long tour, 福泽 published the first volume of Seiyo jijo [‘Things western’或‘西方的条件’],10描述了他的直接发现。成为全国畅销书。福泽意识到技术的进步为他在欧洲所见证的繁荣做出了贡献。他开始相信人的革命性变化 ’知识和思想是日本取得类似进步的基本要求。在伦敦期间,他致信他的朋友在家,说最紧迫的事情是教育有才华的年轻人,而不是购买机械和武器。他决定推迟第二期《圣代圣代》的写作,转而翻译J.H.伯顿’政治经济学。在这本1867年的书中,他将书名定为《外部体积,'角石和主要支柱’讨论了构成文明社会的无形社会网络。11确实是“西方国家的情况”的一个介绍。’. After his return to Japan, 福泽 began to set up his own school. The number ofstudents grew rapidly to 100 by 1867. His duties with the Shogunate were only six days a month,so he was apparently able to use the other days for reading, writing and teaching. The popularity ofhis accounts of Western life indicated an interest and tolerance of the outside world. Other groups,however, wanted to expel the ‘barbarians’, together with any Japanese scholars interested inWestern studies. The fanatic joi ronin (breakaway groups of samurai who wanted to expelforeigners) were apt to murder those who represented Western ideals. People like 福泽 wereat risk. In fact, Omura (see footnote 5) was killed by them in 1869.


Amid the sounds of gunfire from a battle only a few kilometers from Keio-gijuku12 福泽 continued his lectures on political economy as usual.13 It was 4 July 1868 and the Restoration forces were challenging the tottering Tokugawa regime. 福泽 told his students, reduced from 100 to 18 on that day, ‘Whatever happens in the country, whatever warfare harasses our land, we will never relinquish our hold on Western learning. As long as this school of ours stands, Japanremains a civilized nation of the world’.14

These words explain clearly what 福泽 had in mind-Western learning and education. Soon after the defeat of the Tokugawa forces in Edo, the new authorities asked 福泽 to jointhe government service. He declined the offer and never became a partisan of the new government, which gave him much more freedom in judging and writing about the course of both parties. In the years that followed, he devoted himself exclusively either to teaching at Keio or helping initiate modern schools elsewhere. He also translated and/or wrote pamphlets about the West and elementary textbooks on a surprisingly wide variety of subjects such as physics, geography, militaryarts, the British Parliament and international relations.Among his books, Gakumon no susume [An encouragement of learning]15 is the most celebrated. It was originally a series of essays written and published between 1872 and 1876. The first essay, which was an enormous success, was the manifestation of 福泽’向普通公众发表论文。开头的几行写着:‘据说天堂不会在一个人之上或之下创造一个人。智者和愚者之间,富人和穷人之间的任何现有区别都归结为教育问题。’16

What is important here is 福泽’的“教育”概念’-更接近普通人类需求的“实践学习”’17,或者说是jitsugaku。在他看来,它首先包括学习四十七种日本假名字母,会计和算盘方法,权重和度量的使用方法,然后学习地理,物理学,历史,经济学和伦理学等学科。

第一组中的科目是在terakoya中讲授的,字面意思是'圣殿学校’。自十七世纪以来,它与佛教的联系逐渐被放弃,在下一世纪,它成为了平民的小学’武士的子女,尤其是低等阶层的子女。老师是穷武士,村长或神道教士等人。佛教老师在18世纪相当稀缺。 terakoya在19世纪上半叶迅速发展。福泽意识到了这一点,因此显然他将更多的压力放在第二组可以在现代学校中教授的科目上。18他认为这些领域在西方发达,而在东方却没有。他严厉批评日本传统的学校课程,强调古代文字和诗歌的享受与写作,是不切实际的追求。他认为西方教育是必要的,并敦促刚学过假名字母的男孩和女孩查阅翻译的教科书,并在更高级的阶段阅读西方语言。在他的学校里,西方作家独树一帜,并于1890年聘请了外国老师。福泽认为,自学可以促进个人独立,但“自由与独立不仅指个人自身,还指国家”’.19福泽还认为这些要素是一项人权,并得出结论:每个人和每个国家,根据自然理性的原则,都不受束缚。因此,如果有可能威胁到某个国家的威胁’的自由,那么那个国家甚至应该举足轻重,甚至可以对付世界上所有国家的武器。20由此可以理解,他为什么甚至翻译了军事手册。福泽’“鼓励学习”的风格’在其他教科书和手册中,对日本来说是全新的。过去,书籍是用中文写成的,其字符对于普通人来说是难以理解的。即使对于学历较低的人,这种新风格也是口语化且易于理解的。面对普遍认为日语不适合讲演的意见,他开始公开演讲并进行了公开辩论。在怀疑论者面前,他是公众演讲艺术的主要代表,并在庆应义built建立了一个会议厅,他,他的同伴和学生们在这里举行了许多聚会和辩论赛。这个小小的大厅Enzetsukan仍然站在三田的校园里。21文明理论在1874年2月23日写给他的一位朋友的信中,福泽写道:’t think I’将承担更多的翻译。今年我’我将阅读和工作而不必担心数百种杂物。我的健康状况越来越好,除非我继续学习,否则我的知识将耗尽。我将花大约一年的时间学习22。

This was in anticipation of reading the references23 and drafting his magnum opus, Bunmeiron nogairyaku [An outline of a theory of civilization], which appeared the following year.24 Unlike the other works by 福泽, which were mainly for public enlightenment, thisbook was intended for Japanese intellectuals. At that time they were divided into several camps-some were very enthusiastic about introducing an ideal Western model of civilization, while otherswere reluctant about or even opposed to modern values and principles. Presumably, 福泽 wanted to clarify the argument and to persuade them to present a common front in favour ofmodernity. 福泽 was a prolific writer and able to produce an enormous quantity of work, but ittook an exceptional amount of time and toil to finish this book. The manuscripts, which arepreserved today, show that they were subject to revision again and again. The style was scholarly,hence not easy to read, eloquent and presenting all points of view. Nonetheless, his main objectiveis crystal clear: self-sufficiency and national independence. ‘Civilization’是独立的结果和手段。

那就是“文明”’从广义上讲,文明不仅意味着在日常生活中的舒适,而且意味着对知识的提炼和对美德的培养,从而使人类的生活更上一层楼。 […] [因此]它指的是物质福祉的获得和人类精神的提升,[但是]因为造就了人类 ’幸福和精益求精是知识和美德,文明最终意味着人类的进步’的知识和美德25

福泽 took great care to explain the distinction between knowledge and virtue. He defined virtue as morality, and knowledge as intelligence, and deliberately adds that in English they are termed respectively ‘morals’ and ‘intellect’. These definitions were specified so as to avoid any association with neo-Confucian concepts. 福泽’哲学代表了与传统思维的突破。


Buddhism in Japan had lost its authority and function in the previous centuries. Buddhists had become mere subjects of the political authority, namely the Tokugawa Shogunate. Thus, not only neo-Confucian scholars and Buddhists but also commoners and samurai depended on their hereditary positions. Most of them were indifferent to public matters. They were ruled, credulous and blindly faithful to the ruler upon whom all the power was vested. 福泽 remarked that this was the most outstandingly negative feature of Japanese civilization.

In 福泽’他们的思想,美德和知识可以分为私人和公共两个部分。他坚信男人具有天生的正直和潜能。虽然很可能在学校获得知识,但不可能使一个人公开使用自己的私人资产。从历史上看,他看到君主的美德被灌入了他们的内心,以至于它很少充其量只能出现在家庭内部。另一方面,私人知识可以更容易地传播到社会中,然后转化为公共智慧。人们已经开始认识到经验定律和科学,不仅是自然科学,还包括道德(或社会)科学。 ‘在西方文明中, ’ 福泽 wrote, ‘the social fabric includes various theories thathave developed side by side, have drawn closer to one another, and finally united into onecivilization-in the process giving birth to freedom and independence.’26尽管日本人的思想一直集中在创造公共美德这一不可能的任务上,但西方却扩大了公共智慧,这就是为什么他崇尚西方学习并批评他的国家的新儒教。

在这方面,日本文明显然落后于西方。根据人类发展阶段理论,日本(与中国一起)处于半文明阶段。27尽管“’ and ‘backward’ are relative terms, the distance between East and West was assuredly great. It was impossible, in 福泽’的思想是,仅通过购买现代武器,机械和外部结构就能赶上领导人,因为文明意味着整个民族的内在精神即美德和知识的发展。因此,“文明[是]我们的目标’.28在“文明理论纲要”的最后一章’, 福泽 turns again to theproblem of ‘national independence’这是所有日本知识分子都非常关注的问题。他认为,日本当时实际上只是一个远东小国,因此不需要强大的军事力量。29他得出结论:此外,主张民族政体,基督教和儒教的论点[…]也不足以支持人们’的心。那会怎样?我说的是一件事:即确立我们的目标并朝着文明前进[…]除了文明之外,在任何地方都无法找到维持这种独立性的方式。30


The number of students at Keio-gijuku, which had climbed back to more than 300 between 1871 and 1876, again began to decline, in part because of the unsettled domestic scene. As most of the students were samurai, a decision by the government in 1871 to abolish domains and reduce the hereditary privileges and stipends of the lords and vassals also affected the amount of money that could be spent on education. In five years, this process of confiscation was completed. The shizoku (former samurai and their families) were given a compensating debenture, the amount of which was modest compared with that given to the kazoku (aristocrats) and the higher-ranking shizoku. The majority of shizoku-the medium and lower ranks-were not satisfied with the arrangement. Only 福泽 was pleased to declare himself a commoner (heimin) and declined any compensation. During this period, 福泽’s students, most of whom were samurai, had been obliged toleave the school because of their lost privileges, the war and worsening poverty due to inflation. Those who came from Satsuma returned to join the rebellion there and were either killed or wounded. In dire financial straits, 福泽 supplemented the school’s budget with his personalincome and also asked for loans from the government and private sources. No one, however, waswilling to lend the Keio-gijuku any money and some suggested that it should be dissolved. His fellow teachers responded by voluntarily accepting a reduction of their salary by two-thirds. Subsequently, the number of students gradually recovered from a low of 200 in 1878 to as many as 500 in 1881. Interestingly, the ratio of commoners enrolled grew from a third to more than a halfby 1875. 福泽 later conjectured that this was due to the post-war inflation that raised the wealthy farmers’收入足以将他们的儿子送往庆应义ij 31

As the government was heavily dependent on fixed land taxes for its revenue, it was alsosuffering financial deficits. As a measure to reduce expenditure, it decided to sell governmentfactories and enterprises. When it was announced that these properties had been sold off atincredibly low prices, civil rights leaders criticized the government severely. A rumour appeared inthe press that 福泽, with the financial help of Iwasaki Yataro (1835-85) of the Mitsubishi Corporation, was urging a coup d’état by Okuma. In a counter move, Ito Hirobumi (1841-1901)purged Okuma from the cabinet. The real reason for this political drama was a struggle for controlover input on legislation for the future constitution. The man who was able to exercise this controlwas expected to be the de facto prime-minister. Several Keio graduates who had worked under Okuma had suggested a constitutional monarchy on the British model, while the Ito grouppreferred the Prussian type. This group was responding to, and afraid of, 福泽 and the Keioschool, since 福泽 himself often expressed active support for Okuma’s policies.


After the political victory, Ito suspended the constitution and the opening of the Diet for ten years,and cancelled the sale of government properties. Before their split, Ito, Okuma and other membersof the government had arranged with 福泽 to start a newspaper to help promote the earlyopening of the Diet, but this too was shelved. 福泽 decided to proceed alone and launched Jiji-shimpo on 1 March 1882. In the inauguration 文章, he declared that this quality newspaper would remain impartial and independent.

From that time onward most of 福泽’他的著作出现在《 jiji-shimpo》中,不仅是严肃的文章,也是讽刺作品。他谈到了所有当代问题,包括政治,国内和国际问题,政治经济学,教育和教育政策,道德守则,特别是妇女’的权利等等。这些文章和戏仿作品占据了他的作品集(22)的近一半。32

In a broad overview of his works, it can be seen that 福泽 was proceeding in a straight line towards individual and national independence. Yet, even in the 1870s, there was some controversy over his discussions on moral issues concerning loyalty, money and so forth.33 Moreover, serious criticisms and comments have recently been levelled at his 文章s from the 1880s and afterwards. Such criticism has raised serious doubts as to 福泽’真实意图或真实个性。对他关于亚洲的文章的反应是如此强烈,以至于几乎掩盖了他较少争议的文章的影响,例如关于女性的文章。’sequality-and placed 福泽 in the very category that he was supposed to be opposed to.

这样的文章,也许是最有争议的文章是“ Datsu-a-ron’ [On departure fromAsia], written in 1885. 福泽 states:

因此,我们的近期政策应该是不失时机地等待邻国[韩国和中国]的启蒙,使它们加入亚洲发展中亚洲,而与其在文明国家中的地位和地位背道而驰。西方 […]我们应该像对待西方人一样对待他们。34

Readers today react strongly to this passage. Yet such a statement can be more fully understood ifit is seen in its proper context. 福泽’s seemingly aggressive stance reflects the changinginternational relations in East Asia during those years. Moreover, 福泽’s concern with Koreahad its own history. 福泽 had been acquainted with the Korean reformists, Pak Yong-hyo and Kim Okkyun,since 1881. Kim had particularly close contacts with 福泽35 as he came to Japan threetimes between 1882 and 1884, receiving much advice and every assistance from 福泽 duringhis stay (each one lasting several months). 福泽 recommended that talented young menshould be educated, that the people should be enlightened through a ‘newspaper’,应该强调朝鲜的主权和中国的独立。

Thus, in the first instance, Kim sent a group of young students to Keio-gijuku, to the military academy and to other Japanese schools. Secondly, the newspaper, or more properly speaking, a governmental bulletin, was published three times a month beginning in November 1883 through the efforts of Kakugoro Inoue (1859-1938), who was dispatched by 福泽 in December 1882 and appointed project adviser by the king. The third objective, however, wasextremely difficult to achieve; following the 1882 anti-Japanese revolt by the Korean army, China had declared her suzerainty and exercised a firm grip over the Korean court.

福泽’随着朝鲜对中国的依赖增加,人们对朝鲜取得进步的期望逐渐减弱。 ‘传统’ were obviously the lifelong enemy of 福泽; in such a hopeless situation, hesaw a parting of the ways-Japan choosing change, with Korea and China resisting it. A more sympathetic view of 福泽’s suggestion of turning away from Asia can be sustained with theknowledge that, for several years, his efforts were directed at aiding enlightenment and reform in9Korea. 福泽’关于1881年后的朝鲜的文章很多,但始终强调其主权和民族独立性。相反,在“从亚洲出发”’他批评中国帝国主义,并决定不仅仅因为中国是邻国就给予中国任何特殊考虑。

福泽’s concern for women is apparent in his main writings, now collected in 福泽 Yukichi on japanese women.36 From today’看待他对女性的立场’的权利似乎有所克制。没有人可以否认他是唯一一位不屈不挠地为女性辩护的明治思想家。’平等。除了几篇较早的文章外,他还在1880年代后期写了很多有关该主题的文章。37他的研究重点是日本最大的问题所在:女性’在家中享有的权利,他们在那里的独立性的增长以及消除了女性在社会上的服从感。

福泽 criticized the customary ill conduct of men towards women, and condemned theremaining vestiges of polygamy. Both, he argued, were the most uncivilized customs of Japanesesociety. He claimed fundamental equality for women and equal ownership of the family property. He wrote:


Some recent comments concerning his arguments on women suggest that 福泽 held toonarrow a view. For example, he never suggested public activism for women, he mainly encouraged middle-class women compared to those of the lower classes, he did not touch on the issue ofwomen in the labour force (most of whom worked in wretched conditions) and, lastly, he did not condemn the prostitution of poor girls or their migration overseas, since he regarded it as preferableto starvation. Despite the limitations of 福泽’s definition of equality of women, consideringtheir position, his arguments were appreciated by women at the time, as is shown by the followingletter passed anonymously by a lady to Mrs. 福泽 at the time of his funeral:Every time I read Sensei’在《 jiji-shimpo》中有关日本女性的文章中,我感激他是我们的真正朋友。的确,现在失去Sensei是我们的深切哀悼[…]带着我的眼泪,我真诚地希望老师’的愿望将永远渗透到我们的国家。39

To sum up, in his time 福泽 was a ‘teacher’不仅在学校中的男孩和女孩,而且在日本的男人和女人中,今天仍然可以考虑这种情况。



2. Nishikawa Shunsaku (Japan) Professor of economics at the 福泽 Memorial Centre for Modern Japanese Studies, Keio University, and at the Faculty of Business and Commerce. Author of Growth history of Japanese economy (1985), 福泽 Yukichi and the three successors (1985, in Japanese) and several 文章s on the history of the Japanese economy.

3.下一节“鼓励学习”中讨论了平民教育。’。 R.P. Dore,日本德川教育(伦敦,Routledge&凯根·保罗(Kegan Paul,1965年)是当时有关武士和平民教育的出色研究。

4. J.A. Kulumus,Ontleedkundige tafelen [解剖图](由G. Dicten翻译),阿姆斯特丹,DeJansoons van Waesberg,1734年。

5. 福泽 gave a first-hand account of the rank structure of samurai society in ‘Kyuhanjo’[旧封建家族的状况](卡门·布莱克译),纪念碑·尼波尼卡(东京,上智大学),第1卷。九号1953年1月1日。“封建”一词’ and ‘clan’ are not entirely appropriate-the Tokugawa regime wasin very many ways different from European feudalism. 福泽 emphasized in 1890 that the term10‘feudal(-ism)’是描述日本古代制度的拙劣翻译。在当代日本研究领域,“领域”一词’ is used for ‘clan’。在本文中,遵循了该术语。


7. The autobiography of Yukichi 福泽 (Fukuo jiden), Chapter IV, translated by E. Kiyooka, New York,Columbia University, 1966 (an enlarged version is now available from Hokuseido Press, Tokyo).

8. P.A. de Jong,《统计公报》,阿纳姆,1854年。


10.布莱克(Blacker),克雷格(Craig)等美国和英国学者更喜欢翻译“西方的条件”’ to ‘Things Western’.

11.更确切地说,第一部分讨论“社会经济”’已翻译。原始(匿名)书出版于一系列名为“ Chambers”的热门书籍中’ 教育al Course’ (Edinburgh, 1852). Isuppose 福泽 purchased it in London in 1862. The author, a famous Scottish writer (1809-81), wasidentified by Albert M. Craig several years ago. The quotation in the text comes from the Foreword of the‘Outside Volume’.

12. By April 1868, the school, located at nearby Mita, had no name. The convention at the time was to picksome favourite characters out of Chinese classics, but 福泽 simply utilized the name of the current era, Keio. It is ironic, however, that the name of the era is, even today, taken traditionally from the Chinese classics. Gijuku may imply ‘public’ school or ‘college’, and the whole property was transferred from 福泽 to a corporation. The school moved to the Mita campus in 1871.

13. The textbook was Elements of political economy (Boston, 1837), many copies of which 福泽 hadpurchased in New York or Washington in 1867. The author of the book was an American clergyman, F.Wayland (1796-1865), who was President of Brown University. He published another college textbook onmoral science that 福泽 used in the following year (1869).

14.自传[…], op. cit., p. 211.

15.鼓励学习,跨性别。由D.A. Dilworth和U.Hirano,东京,上智大学,1969年。

16.同上,p。 1。

17.同上,p。 2。

18.实际上,他提到了著名的初学者Jitsugo-kyo’《鼓励学习》第一篇论文的开篇页中的terakoya教科书。有关terakoya的更多信息,请参见Dore,作品。 cit。

19.鼓励学习,同上。 cit。,p。 3。

20.同上,p。 5,

21. His selected speeches and addresses are translated in W.H. Oxford, The speeches of 福泽, Tokyo,Hokuseido Press, 1973; pictures of the Enzetsukan are included in that book.

22.给Shoda Heigoro的信,收藏的作品,第一卷。 17页。 163(日语)。

23.他读过关于欧洲文明的巴克尔和吉佐特,J.S。米尔,关于代议制政府和其他著作的思考,以及著名的日本历史学家。就中国历史而言,尽管学历短,但他学到了足够的知识(请参阅自传[…], op. cit., p. 8).


25.同上,p。 35岁

26.同上,p。 37、135。

27. 福泽 had already encountered the stage theory in J.H. Burton’s政治经济学,p。 6-7,其中三个阶段被标记为“野蛮和/或原始”’, ‘semi-civilized’ and ‘civilized’.

28.第2.29章的标题。文明理论概论,p。 193。

30.同上,p。 193.本章将对这些论点进行严格审查。列出的三个论点与宗教关系不大,但可以分别称为反动民族主义,西化和保守新儒家。

31.‘Keio-gijuku kiji’ [A Short History of Keio-gijuku], written by him, and published in a fund-raising bulletin.No Keio fellow other than 福泽 noticed such a change in the composition of students.

32. 福泽 Yukichi zenshu [The Collected Works of 福泽 Yukichi], Tokyo, Iwanami shoten, 1958-64(in Japanese, 22 vols.).

33. For example the sixth and seventh essays caused a heated controversy. 福泽’在鼓励学习的附录中给出了相应的建议。

34. The 文章 was published in Jiji-shimpo, 16 March 1885. The translation by Sinh Vinh is given inFukuzawa Yukichi nenkan [Annals], vol. 11, Mita, Tokyo, 福泽 Yukichi kyokai, 1984.11

35. For more details about Kim Ok-kyun and his close relationship with 福泽, see Hwang K., The Koreanreform movement of the 1880s, Cambridge, MA, Schenkman, 1978, p. 78-92.

36. Kiyooka E. (ed. and trans.), 福泽 Yukichi on Japanese women, University of Tokyo Press, 1988.Kiyooka also edited and translated 福泽 Yukichi on education, also published by the University ofTokyo Press, 1985.

37. 福泽 had been very much concerned with women’自1870年代中期以来的权利-见《清冈》,《福泽幸吉》,日本女性,op。 cit。,p。 174.大约在那个时候,他还读了J.S.磨,妇女的主题(纽约,阿普尔顿&Co.,1870年),并在《鼓励学习的十五篇论文》中提到了这本书。

38. Kiyooka, 福泽 Yukichi on Japanese women, op. cit., p. 223.

39.‘Fukuzawa Sensei aito-roku’ [Condolences to Our Mentor 福泽], Keio-gijuku gakuho [Review],no. 39, May 1901, p. 27 (reprinted by Misuzo shobo, Tokyo, 1987). Sensei is a conventional honorific for ateacher in Japan, but the anonymous lady and the Keio alumni used it with the special connotation of ‘ourMentor’.

Works by 福泽

福泽 was a very prolific and all-round writer, and his complete works have been assembled in 福泽 Yukichizenshu [The collected works of Yukichi 福泽], 21 vols. + one additional vol., Tokyo, Iwanami shoten, 1958-64.

His point of view on education is scattered throughout many of the above-mentioned volumes. Fortunately,however, the most significant writings about education have been selected and translated into English by hisgrandson, Emeritus Professor Kiyooka Eiichi in 福泽 Yukichi on education, Tokyo, University of Tokyo Press,1985. This volume contains more than thirty of his 文章s, speeches and chapters on education.

下面的书体现了他在日本现代化初期对教育的思考,并存在于英语翻译中:鼓励学习,反式。由D.A. Dilworth和U.Hirano,东京,上智大学,1969年。

Works about 福泽

Makino K. Meiji keimo-ki kyoiku no kenkyu: 福泽 Yukichi ni okeru nihon kindai kokka no keisei to kyoiku[Studies of education in the period of Meiji enlightenment: nation building and education by YukichiFukuzawa]. Tokyo, Ochanomizu shobo, 1968.

Yasukawa J. Nihon kindai kyoiku no shiso kozo [A critical study of 福泽’关于教育的思考]。 1970年,东京,新申龙市。

Nakane K. 福泽 Yukichi ni okeru hattatsu to kyoiku [Human development and education in 福泽’sthinking]. 福泽 Yukichi nenkan [Annals of the 福泽 institute], vol. 10, 1983.

Yamazumi M. Kaisetsu [Commentaries]. In: 福泽 Yukichi senshu [Selected works of 福泽 Yukichi].vol. 3. Tokyo, Iwanami shoten, 1980.

–. Kaisetsu [Commentaries]. In: 福泽 Yukichi kyoiku ronshu [Fukuzawa’的教育著作:选集]。东京,岩波书店,1991年。


该案文最初发表于:前景:比较教育的季度审查(教科文组织:国际教育局),第一卷。第二十三号3 / 4,1993年,第2页。 493-506。





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