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贝特海姆, Bruno (1903-1990)

贝特海姆, Bruno卡伦·泽兰(Karen Zelan)的文章1

Bruno 贝特海姆, eminent scholar and educator, directed the University of Chicago’的矫正学校已有近三十年的历史。他出版了十六本书,并发表了大量学术论文和论文。他写作的主要目的是将精神分析原理应用于教育,社会和家庭中的问题。根据他在维也纳的成长历程,并在他的受人尊敬的导师和同事的影响下,他还致力于重新诠释精神分析的几本著作:教育家和哲学家约翰·杜威(John Dewey);心理学家August Aichhorn,Anna 弗洛伊德,Erik Erikson和Sigmund 弗洛伊德本人。

精神分析应用:矫正学派

Many of 贝特海姆’的出版物涉及他对心理分析的修改,以适应他在芝加哥大学之一的Orthogenic学校为严重受困扰的年轻人创造的环境’的实验学校。大学的一个例子’s dedication to renovating primary and secondary education, 贝特海姆’s treatment milieu was strongly influenced by the ideas of John Dewey. 贝特海姆 combined his interest in reshaping psychoanalysis with the inventive, inquiring spirit that permeated the university’教育部门和整个芝加哥大学。杜威’s works (1965) in combination with psychoanalytic works provided the theory. But August Aichhorn was probably 贝特海姆’塑造矫正学派的最大灵感。艾希霍恩(Aichhorn,1965)写道, ’ youth could only be remedied by taking them out of the home environment, which had precipitated the antisocial behavior, and putting them in a training school. Similarly, 贝特海姆 (1950, 1955, 1967, and 1974) wrote at length that severely disturbed youngsters must be removed from the environment which fostered their symptoms and housed in an especially designed treatment milieu based on psychoanalytic principles. Although psychoanalysis proper could not be applied to every waking moment, 贝特海姆 thoroughly described an orderly institutional structure that combined an observational approach with a psychoanalytic interpretation of events.

Foremost was 贝特海姆’的想法是,由于孩子因无法维持自己的家庭而遭受痛苦,他需要“中央政府”’在他的学校生活中。这些重要的人要被培养,观察和解释:孩子的心’的存在。从心理分析上讲,也许有人会说孩子的中流tay柱’这些生命(顾问和老师)为这些极度需要帮助的年轻人提供了自我支持,这些年轻人的自我功能在入读正畸学校之前通常已经消失了很多年。贝特海姆 functioned as a sort of superego. He expected every child to work hard to solve its problems. He oversaw the institution as a whole, for example, by making rounds every evening as the children were put to bed and by conducting daily staff meetings where he not only searched a child’行为的意义,同时也巧妙地指导了孩子’s ‘central persons’。然后,工作人员的讨论成为影响儿童发展的枢纽的论坛’经验丰富。

If dream interpretation is the royal road to the unconscious, psychoanalysis, in 贝特海姆’的观点,是教育改革的皇家之路。西格蒙德·弗洛伊德(1965)’还同意了。在他给艾希霍恩的序言中’在弗洛伊德(1965)的著作中:“在所有应用了精神分析的领域中,没有一个引起了如此大的兴趣,激发了如此大的希望,因此吸引了许多有能力的工作者作为儿童培训的理论和实践。 […]儿童已成为精神分析研究的主要对象,并且在这方面已经取代了开始工作的神经质。 […]难怪引起了人们的期望,即精神分析工作将在教育中被证明是有价值的,其目的是引导孩子走向成熟,鼓励他并保护他走错误的道路。’2弗洛伊德接着说,教育者不一定有艾希霍恩’直观的礼物。因此,应该对他们进行心理分析训练,因为“否则,孩子,[心理分析者”的对象’s]的努力,仍然是他无法企及的谜。’弗洛伊德回应了约翰·佩斯塔罗齐(Johann Pestalozzi)的一位’的评论家(格罗斯,1963年)写道,如果是直觉上的礼物或“爱”’ for the child, are the essence of education, everything depends on the intuitive wisdom of individual teachers. Therefore, method became important in the training of those not so intuitively gifted. 贝特海姆 put 弗洛伊德’在矫正学校实践中的建议,方法是通过教育孩子的看护者来对其进行教育(Bettelheim,1974年)。

在矫正学校教育孩子

Among the best 知道n of 贝特海姆’他的第一本书《爱还不够》(1950年)描述了他用新颖的方法治疗严重不安的年轻人的作品。在“学习的挑战”一章中,’ 贝特海姆 discussed at length the ‘hows’在矫正学校教育孩子们。他不仅借鉴了约翰·杜威(John Dewey)的思想,而且还借鉴了玛丽亚·蒙特梭利(Maria Montessori)的思想。他认识到,感官经验是智力学习的先导,在自闭症青少年的教育中尤其重要(贝特海姆,1962年)。这时他也开始使用让·皮亚杰’标记孩子的工作’的发展进步,并从理论上说明伯爵’s ideas on the child’在正畸学校(贝特海姆,1967年),可以将发展中的思维转变为课堂实践。’论文“教育’ and ‘experience’ coming in the child’s growing up years (the state of modern American education notwithstanding), 贝特海姆 described how the children at the school, who had a past history of aversive reactions to learning, often welcomed learning when it was based on personal experiences (Bettelheim,1950). He wrote that the study of nature provided an arena within which the children could begin the learning enterprise because it does not suggest to a troubled child that he must learn about family secrets. Nor does he face the Pandora’s box of learning to read, which implies to the child that he must learn about everything-especially the facts that troubled children do not want to understand. 贝特海姆 explained: ‘The psychological reason seems to be that every child grew familiar with certain aspects of nature long before he ever knew about complicated family relations or family secrets. He became afraid of understanding what they were like; long, too, before he knew of reading as a means of acquiring 知道ledge. Moreover,自然并不需要理解对于初学者来说似乎是诸如单词之类的符号的神奇含义。孩子认为,如果他学习自然,他只会了解自然。鉴于他学会阅读,他担心自己会学会理解一切,包括他认为自己不应该理解的一切。’

观察矫正学派’s children in the learning environment taught 贝特海姆 that atypical children, because of their exaggerated behaviors, teach us how normal children learn. His premise was that if educators can reach troubled youth by adjustments in the curriculum and in teaching methods, educators can refine their procedures regarding normal children (Bettelheim, 1950; 贝特海姆 & Zelan, 1981). While the normal child usually complies, the atypical child protests. It is from these outright protests, 贝特海姆 believed, that we can learn better ways of reaching all schoolchildren. Like Pestalozzi (1963) and Montessori (1967), 贝特海姆 (1950) realized that the curriculum and special teaching methods were of little use ‘unless the child himself is convinced he ought to learn for his own good.’4 As Maria Montessori wrote, it is not that a child believes what he sees, but he sees what he believes (Röhrs, 1982). This meant to 贝特海姆 and to many others, notably Jean Piaget (1972), that a child is not open to learning (‘seeing’)没有坚定的信念,他将学到的东西将与他先前形成的偏爱('相信’). But, being psychoanalytically oriented, 贝特海姆 was not content to leave it at that. He counseled educators to understand that troubled young people have a reason for not learning, and that their learning protests are ineffective ‘even when viewed from what [the child] feels are his own interests.’5 尽管他确实建议我们将发现的关于非典型学习者的知识应用于正常学习者,但他也区分了非典型学习者和典型学习者的教学。教育应基于非典型儿童’有症状学习者必需的经验,但逐步’最初无法构建自己的经验。

贝特海姆(1950)说明了孩子的重要性’乔治(George)’一个非常生气的男孩,自发地发展并使用符号系统(字母,数字)来表达自己的愤怒。但是,在Orthogenic学校教室中的George容易出现退步事件。在课堂上不建议使用回归功能。虽然孩子可能需要在其他情况下退缩(在治疗中,在宿舍生活中),但贝特海姆希望教室能够带出孩子并使其成长’最成熟的努力。但是,许多孩子拒绝上学,因为这暗示他们必须“长大,’他们对此非常矛盾。乔治是其中的一个孩子。他需要他的科学老师 ’有助于他学习的结构。在他的老师的提示下,他设计了一种巧妙的方法,将自己的回归倾向与达到成熟相结合。乔治最初想通过在上课时吮吸牛奶瓶来避免长大,这代表了婴儿期的回归。在他的老师的建议下,他构造了一套精致的虹吸系统,将瓶子与橡胶管连接起来,这样,通过一端吹或吸,他就可以迫使液体通过各种瓶子和管子。吊装这个精致的设备足以维持他的上课状态,而无需恢复从真实的瓶子中吮吸真实的牛奶。通过与学习经历直接相关的需求升华,他可以等到午餐时间才吸牛奶,当时他在牛奶纸箱上打了一个洞,将吸管塞在洞里,然后开始通过杯子喝牛奶。像任何普通的年轻人一样贝特海姆(Bettelheim,1950年)感到如此强烈,以至于对严重困境青年的教育对于他们的康复至关重要,因此他总结了他的《学习的挑战,’通过写信说,除非环境良好,否则孩子不但不能在课堂上成功,而且还希望自己学习并乐于学习,否则无法完整地对待处于环境环境中的孩子。

精神分析应用:家庭生活

贝特海姆’s first attempt to reach the parents of normal children and to deal with typical, family child rearing problems resulted in his 1962 book, Dialogues with Mothers. He used psychoanalytic theory, especially the refinements of the theory he had implemented at the Orthogenic School for two decades, to illuminate common childhood enigmas. Similar to Benjamin Spock, whose famous child rearing book, 婴幼儿护理 (1946), preceded 贝特海姆’s Dialogues by sixteen years, 贝特海姆 concentrated on parent/child interactions. He contrasted the old child rearing with the new child rearing which was, in part, the result of Spock’s work. 贝特海姆 (1962) wrote that the difference between the new and the old lay in the fact that today’在父母希望孩子实现父母为他设定的目标的同时,父母没有意识到在为孩子提供个人自由方面的矛盾。相比之下,1950年代和1960年代以前的儿童养育理论规定,儿童必须遵守严格的纪律。 ‘如今,我们希望孩子们做出自己的决定,但我们希望这些决定能使我们满意。对于我的父母来说,生活要容易得多:他们知道孩子应该做什么,而他的孩子做得更好。’5 因此,他为陷入困境的年轻人创造的治疗环境的精髓成为了向正常孩子的正常父母传达的信息。最重要的是对孩子的认可’的优势。他觉得父母太在乎孩子了’s problems without giving them credit for their intelligence in creating those problems. A two-year old might, for example, react to the birth of a sibling by trying to change her identity or the identity of the entire family. Whatever the reasons behind such wishes, 贝特海姆 centered his group of mothers on the contradiction in the parent’s thinking which suggested that a child could develop a complex structure to alleviate her anxieties but did not have the wherewithal to understand it. Similarly, in his writings about the Orthogenic School, 贝特海姆 (1950, 1967, 1974) repeatedly stated that the child’智力使他产生了症状;因此,我们应该使用孩子’帮助解决这些问题的情报。

贝特海姆 continued with the family theme in his 1987 book, 好父母. He described typical impediments to productive parent/child relationships, autobiographically borrowing from his own upbringing, and deftly advancing selected psychoanalytic principle she hoped would harmonize parent/child interactions. Among other themes, he chose to write about the important theme for modern American parents, namely, the difference between discipline and punishment. (An excerpt of this section of his book was published in 1987 in The Atlantic, entitled ‘Discipline Versus Punishment’。)他对纪律的看法部分基于揭示词的字典定义’s origin in disciple, meaning student. 贝特海姆 wrote that proper discipline educates the child and sets his energies free to develop productively on his own. This, then, has the happy effect of bettering parent/child relationships. Punishment, on the other hand, ‘doesn’t work,’ according to 贝特海姆. ‘There is a world of difference between acquiring discipline by identification with those one admires [the parents] and having regimentation imposed on one-or sometimes painfully inflicted […]至于惩罚,它可能会约束孩子,但并没有’教他自律[…]’.He observed that children cannot be fooled, and that they pay attention to our behavior as much as, or more than our words. He wrote that the punitive parent who is carried away by emotions rather than choosing to educate the child, fools only himself/herself and not the child. The meaning of play is a second important theme discussed by 贝特海姆 (1967) in his parenting book. Like Piaget (1962, 1969), 贝特海姆 viewed the playing child as attempting to bridge his inner reality and the world around him. In early childhood, play is the primary modality within which children develop themselves and communicate with others. Quoting Montaigne, 贝特海姆 wrote, ‘Children’的游戏应该被视为他们最严肃的动作。’Play is an outlet for emotional expression, but it also serves to resolve conflicts and enables the child to cope better with the world. While Piaget documented the intellectual aspects of playing, 贝特海姆’精神分析的观点集中在游戏的情感和社会收益上,尤其是那些健康的父母/孩子关系所产生的收益。他看了那个孩子’的发挥无非是身份认同的途径。借鉴弗洛伊德’s insights, 贝特海姆 wrote that play is the means by which ‘the child accomplishes his first great cultural and psychological achievements […]即使对于婴儿来说,这也是正确的,因为婴儿的游戏只不过是对着母亲微笑而对母亲微笑。 ’9贝特海姆, who had been immersed in the history of ideas at least since adolescence, welcomed the idea that a child’自发,有趣的活动类似于我们那个时代的伟大文化成就。他很乐意提高孩子的细节’的行为达到应有的高度。

在《妖术的使用》(1976年)中,他关于儿童童话故事使用的获奖论文’s upbringing, 贝特海姆 poignantly described how the child’浪漫的故事,尤其是讲给孩子的故事,以及讲故事中孩子精心制作的故事,可以激发想象力’s freely created variations. Again, 贝特海姆 emphasized the collaboration of parent and child in sharing fairy tales to enhance the child’s developing sensibilities. The child needs not only those coping skills that are fostered by didactic parents, but also, 贝特海姆 wrote, amoral education communicated not through abstract (ethical) concepts but through fairy tales that deal with what is tangibly right and therefore meaningful. He likened the child’对童话的理解,以及诗人很早以前获得的心理见解。德国诗人席勒(Schiller)写道:“更深层的意义在于童年告诉我的童话故事,而不是生活所传授的真理。’10 As in so many of his works, the foundation for 贝特海姆’童话寓教于乐’s developing mind and provide a forum for emotional expression rested primarily on the application of psychoanalysis to childhood education. True to the subject, 贝特海姆 whimsically discussed some of the most difficult psychoanalytic concepts in clear, amusing and fanciful language, rendering his thesis accessible to contemporary parents. Conspicuously oedipal themes in fairy tales are brought forth for the reader to consider. The power of 贝特海姆’他的写作在于他有能力阐明对心理分析者显而易见的概念,但对父母却不为所动。一个小女孩’与“妈妈”之间的冲突在“灰姑娘”中有叙述’通过生孩子的手段’的母亲被描绘成邪恶的继母。这样的主题引起了女孩的共鸣’的无助感,然后被“好妈妈”克服,’ a fairy godmother, who rescues Cinderella and supports her in her aspirations to meet the prince. 贝特海姆 also highlighted the importance of sibling rivalry in the family and in the Cinderella story, which depicts beautiful but shy Cinderella helpless at the hands of her stepsisters. This, too, is resolved by the rescuing fairy godmother, a resolution that every little girl deeply appreciates. 贝特海姆 hoped that as parent and child together understood the deeper meaning of these stories, the parent and the child would bond in mutual enjoyment.

精神分析应用:社会问题

Bruno 贝特海姆 wrote a number of papers and books applying psychoanalysis to social problems. In 知情的心 (1960), he used his personal experiences in the Nazi concentration camps to pose questions about man’大众社会的自治。讲文明’s progress in providing us with more freedom than in earlier times, 贝特海姆 (1960) wrote in his ‘Preface’:世世代代的人为之奋斗,生活的意义逃避了我们,这真是令人困惑。我们拥有的自由比以往任何时候都广泛。但是我们大多数人比以往任何时候都更渴望获得一种自我意识,而自我意识却使我们望而却步,而我们却在富裕之中不安地坚持下去。当我们实现自由时,我们被似乎使我们窒息的社会力量吓倒了,这些力量似乎正在从一个千变万化的世界的各个角落向我们蔓延。11 To combat the unpredictable outcomes of our fast changing world, 贝特海姆 wrote that we can no longer afford to bifurcate the reasons of the heart from the reasons of the mind. ‘The daring heart must invade reason with its own living warmth, even if the symmetry of reason must give way to admit love and the pulsation of life.’12 贝特海姆 never lost sight of the importance of feeling. Exquisitely educated in the history of reason, his life’s work consisted of advising us to inform pure reason with the emotions, which is the very substance of a humanistic psychology. Psychoanalysis was the inspiration for 贝特海姆’s survival strategies to escape death in the camps and his anchor in writing 知情的心. He shared with his readers how he secretly observed the Nazis at work, memorizing countless incidents and speculating on the motivation of the prison guards. In taking mental notes about the process of personality breakdown in prisoners, 贝特海姆 saved his own mind. This is because his mind’的功能默默地抵消了政权’s试图分解它并使他的人格顺从。多年后,他通过创立矫正学派,扭转了纳粹主义的面纱。在难民营里,人们’塑造他们的个性,使其成为机器人。在矫形学校,生活的每个细节都得到了精心设计,以促进孩子的成长’s reach for autonomy (Bettelheim, 1974). From his own traumatic experiences in the camps, 贝特海姆 understood the power of social structure in influencing personality development and would not rest until he undid those events in Orthogenic School life, which represented, for him, a personal metamorphosis from depersonalization to renewed self-actualization. Just as important, his Orthogenic School venture benefited the children by taking them out of psychological limbo and resuscitating their inner selves so they could return to society.

贝特海姆 had been thinking about prejudice for a number of years before he published 知情的心. In a book co-authored with the sociologist, Morris Janowitz, 贝特海姆 (1964) theorized about the virulence of prejudice in modern society. His contribution to the work consisted of reminding the reader that an individual’他的童年经历会影响他应对生活的尝试’s vicissitudes, such as the call to military service. 贝特海姆’s thesis was that the more secure the ego, the less the need to maliciously classify another ethnic group as evil in order to shore up the sense of self. To quote from 贝特海姆 and Janowitz: ‘[…]应该强调的是,对客观军队经历及其主观评价的比较表明,在塑造民族态度时,客观现实似乎比经历客观现实的个人参照框架重要。 [某些人]相对没有恐惧,甚至在不利的情况下(战斗,沮丧威胁)也可能乐观。这种乐观,自信和自尊以及随之而来的控制敌对情绪的能力,都源于幸运的童年经历。13 贝特海姆’个人认为’内部控制敌对情绪是种族和谐的关键,而将敌对情绪投射到其他社会群体上则形成了集中营形成的偏见态度。转向精神分析理论来解释希特勒引起的社会文化问题’在欧洲接管公司之后,他后来将注意力集中在现代美国学校的社会问题上。在1966年的一篇论文中,预计他将在1982年写什么(贝特海姆& Zelan, 关于学习阅读), 贝特海姆 wrote about violence as a neglected mode of behaviour. He bade educators to pay attention to violence and aggression, which, 贝特海姆 argued, was conspicuously observable in today’的青春。他建议引物针对孩子’暴力冲动,而这些故事描述了应对之道。在“学习阅读”中,他明确指出学校人员和校务委员会如何培养与小学生不匹配的阅读课程’s predilections or their natural development. 贝特海姆 described how ‘empty texts’ evolve at the hands of school boards who pressure publishers of texts to publish only those stories that will not offend parents. For example, a story about a dying pet is unacceptable because it might enrage animal enthusiasts. This creates a colossal social problem when schoolchildren who are unengaged are referred for special services because of alleged disabilities. The real problem, 贝特海姆 (1982) wrote, is the schoolchild’s boredom with the curriculum. Despite the inane materials children are supposed to read, many of them spontaneously put meaning back into the reading texts, efforts that go unrecognized by school personnel. 贝特海姆 and Zelan found that bored children, through ‘misreadings’,创建吸引他们的故事片段,使他们能够读懂意思,尽管由于心理原因它们可能会漏掉一些单词。

By way of contrast, 贝特海姆 (1982) presented to the American public some of the stories given to European schoolchildren. These stories are carefully geared to the child’的生活经历,反映实际的年度事件,以便秋季入学的孩子可以读到关于学校开学的信息,可以为即将到来的假期的孩子提供有关庆祝活动的故事,或者可以为孩子提供与普遍成长有关的诗歌孩子的问题’的观点。关于孩子’s need to be satisfied by her busy mother, 贝特海姆 quoted from a story in an Austrian primer called, ‘Mami, Please!’‘妈妈,请面包!’'是。 ‘妈妈,请给我读一个故事。’ ‘Later.’ ‘Why later?’ ‘Listen! Don’t you hear anything?’‘妈妈,请洗一下我们!’‘妈妈,请给我们擦亮!’‘妈妈,请修补我们!…’ ‘That’一整天的情况。’ ‘Jug, come, we’会帮妈妈的我们两个人去拿牛奶。 ’14 Explaining the text to American readers, 贝特海姆 noted that a child cannot be expected to go hungry but occasionally must wait to be read to. Then the child experiences an inner directed impulse to read to herself, since she realizes that she cannot always count on her mother’即时可用性。这个故事还暗示着孩子有资源为自己提供安慰和潜在的教育经历。

贝特海姆 wrote next that this primer story calls upon the child to observe her mother’的行为,使孩子在观察母亲的真正原因时摆脱了被排斥的感觉’的动作。小故事’结语是一位有爱心的母亲向她的孩子描述了一整天的情况,她会向她建议他们如何共同帮助一天的生活’的工作。所有这一切都来自奥地利的入门书,它不仅可以在孩子阅读时为孩子创造乐趣,还可以增强她对母女关系的理解!

心理分析重新诠释

贝特海姆’他对精神分析概念进行重新检验的原因在于他对精神分析正统思想进行了巧妙而原始的改造,以适应迄今为止“无法解决的”症状。’青年,包括矫正学校人口。与学校直接相关的作品’s functioning, mentioned earlier, led to a proliferation and expansion of ideas which culminated in 象征性伤口 (1954) and 空堡垒 (1967). Based on observations of the young people at the Orthogenic School, 贝特海姆 (1954) took classical psychoanalysis to task for failing to recognize that males are just as envious of females as females are of males. He was referring to the concept ‘penis envy’应用于女性发展,他认为其中并未包括男性对女性的嫉妒感。在研究青少年在学校时自发的青春期仪式时,他指出:“我们几乎不需要证明男人对女人的生殖能力感到敬畏,他们希望参与其中,而且两种情绪都很容易在西方社会中发现。事实上,一些诗人发现这些情感是西方思想最高成就的来源[…].’15 他继续说:“我的目的是表明,一些识字的社会在这方面远不逊色于我们,它自发地从消极的恐惧经历转变为掌握恐惧的积极经历,即试图使妇女成为女性。’s power their own.’16 在他对矫正学校的孩子的反思与对文盲社会中个人的思考之间的联系是,他坚信,精神分裂症的年轻人和文盲个人都不是原始的。相反,这两个群体与“正常’西方成年人可能会仔细地隐藏情感,他们找到了巧妙的方式来表达自己的情感并试图与他们和睦相处。

贝特海姆 (1954) described a spontaneous ‘initiation rite’在计划他们的成年生活的一群青少年中,这种行为开始是无害的。仪式’当两个正畸学校的女孩开始月经时,这种疾病就发展了,引起了两三个同龄男性的兴趣。尽管他们渴望计划自己的成年生活,但他们对女孩的发作所隐含的成长过程极为矛盾’ menses. The youngsters imagined that becoming actors or entertainers would admit them to the fascinating world of Hollywood and to the world in general. Thereupon, they formed a secret society that would protect them from adult criticism. Their ritual was for the boys to cut themselves on the index finger every month and mix their blood with that of the menses. At this point, 贝特海姆 wrote, it was necessary for adults to intervene to protect the children from injury. 贝特海姆 believed that these inventive, talented young people could more openly address their adolescent curiosities than normal youngsters primarily because they were in residential placement with all the safety and security it provides. But they also were not as bound as ‘normal’年轻人要保密。引用费尼切尔(1945)的话说,“在精神分裂症中,潜意识是有意识的,’17 贝特海姆指出,对于精神分裂症的年轻人尤其如此。

In titling his book 象征性伤口 贝特海姆 placed the emphasis on the word ‘symbolic,’ explaining that the actual events, though important, were not as important as the symbolic meaning the youngsters attributed to them. He again took the humanistic stance that there is no sharp distinction between the emotions of schizophrenic youngsters and those of normal youngsters, just as there is no clear-cut distinction between the emotions of preliterate peoples and modern Western adults. The differences reside in the manner in which the emotions are expressed; disturbed youngsters are more conspicuously active in expressing their fears than normal youngsters. The same can be said for the differences between preliterate society and modern society; in the former, emotions are brought forth expressively and ritualistically while in the latter, emotions are suppressed or repressed. Again, based on his observations of symptomatic (autistic) children at the Orthogenic School, 贝特海姆 (1967) set about to sketch a new, largely developmental, theory of the etiology of autism and the kind of treatment modality he felt works best. (It should be noted that 贝特海姆’对“自闭症”的定义’与坎纳一致’s (1943) definition, which does not include the disabled or the mentally retarded.) 贝特海姆 reminded us that the first days of the infant’人生对于自我发展至关重要。他以护理为例,认为与婴儿的实际摄入量一样,很大程度上取决于婴儿的抱养方式。总而言之,他指出了自己在其他地方反复提到的观点。婴儿’有益的护理和被护理取决于他的满意度“能使他根据自己的需要积极塑造总体经验的程度。’18

此前,埃里克森(Erikson,1950年)将自闭症的起源定位于母子关系,但将其归因于母亲’对孩子的反应’的症状。贝特海姆在生命的最初几天确定了自闭症的起点,而埃里克森则专注于母亲’对以下事实的反应:‘[…这些孩子可能很早就巧妙地未能返回母亲’眼神,微笑和触摸;最初的准备金使母亲反过来又无意中退出了。’19Bettelheim’相反,在母婴关系中,先于婴儿’对母亲缺乏反应。他可能不同意埃里克森’相信母亲无意中退出了。尽管不知不觉中撤退的确有可能发生,但贝特海姆对不安全的父母印象深刻’从一开始就需要捍卫自己未出生的孩子。贝特海姆’1967年出版的这本书在美国的心理和精神病学界受到了抵制,因为该书并未深入探讨自闭症的可能神经伴随症。贝特海姆’据认为,除非精神卫生专业人员提出对药物有反应的特定神经系统疾病,否则心理治疗师别无选择,只能继续进行治疗。虽然父母没有被包括在“正畸学校”计划中,但贝特海姆确实说过,与自闭症儿童一起生活是一种困境,父母通常无法求助,只能做出不正常的反应,有时是惩罚性的。这个孩子在父母中引起了自闭症对他们的影响而引起的反应。贝特海姆(1967)在总结有关自闭症的心理学文献时毫不动摇。此外,他超越了精神分析理论,并寻求其他说服力的心理学家,例如让·皮亚杰(Jean Piaget)。贝特海姆’最重要的承诺是了解自闭症儿童的自我发展或缺乏自我发展。他认为心理分析著作将过分的自我归因于回归自闭症患者,这些患者的行为在所有领域均已中断,反映出缺乏有组织的心理。由于自我意识与孩子并驾齐驱’他首先意识到自己的周围环境,所以他借用了伯爵的话说:‘[…]动作不需要意识,但是行动就带来了第一意识。因此,行动使原始和非自身脱离了原始的混乱。更正确地说,行动在行动和行动之间产生了分裂,什么(通过行动)变成了自我,又是什么(通过行动)变成了对象。’20

Piaget (1976), who had been refining his ideas on the self-nonself distinction from a cognitive-developmental perspective, wrote: ‘The subject only learns to 知道 himself when acting on the object, and the latter can become 知道n only as a result of progress of the actions carried out on it. This explains the circle of the sciences, of which the solidarity that unites them is contrary to all linear hierarchy. Furthermore, and most importantly, this explains the harmony between thought and reality, since action springs from the laws of an organism10那同时也是许多行动的源头,然后是思考的主体。’21 The two traditions of psychoanalysis and cognitive-developmentalism thus combined as 贝特海姆 researched the puzzle of human existence without a sense of self. 贝特海姆 (1967) tracked the development of three autistic children in the treatment milieu of the Orthogenic School and showed how arduous a task it was to bring autistic children to the point of recognizing themselves as one ‘object’作为“行动,然后思考”主题的来源。’ Similar to the developing normal infant, 贝特海姆 wrote, ‘Marcia,’一个青春期前的自闭症女孩“know”在她可以智能地掌握它之前,先对她的身体进行一些处理。’22 In the case of Marcia, 贝特海姆’他与以前的(主要是精神分析学)理论的反复偏离是他的假设,即在治疗中,心理治疗师既不能从孩子开始也不能追溯发育步骤’渴望一个足够好的母亲,也不要以为孩子’的心理有部分’和/或不好的意思。’ (‘Introject’ is the result of the process of internalization whereby aspects of the outer world and interactions with it are taken into the organism and represented in its internal structure.) 贝特海姆 observed that it was not Marcia’对一个养育自己的人的兴趣使她对外界产生了认可,但是在向往一个好妈妈的渴望之前发展了一个基本的自我。玛西亚(Marcia)曾在儿童时期多次遭受灌肠之苦,首先认识到’ and what is ‘not me’ by playing with her feces in the bathtub. 贝特海姆 hypothesized that she then began to wonder if something could and did exist in the outer world, and that this development preceded an attachment to a mother figure.

使用伯爵’s work as a basis for comparing the development of normal infants with12-year-old Marcia, 贝特海姆 (1967) wrote that once the developing process is set in motion, autistic children often gain typical infant achievements much more quickly than the infant normally does. Speaking about the spatial development required by drawing, and quoting from Piaget’s (1952) observations on his own children, 贝特海姆 wrote that in less than six months Marcia’s drawings had moved from infant scribbling to drawing circles, to drawing faces, to drawing the complete human figure-while it takes several years for a normal infant to progress this far. Concluding his account of Marcia, 贝特海姆 again returned to the psychological construct of ‘introject,’说明为什么它不适用于玛西亚’s case until she had been in treatment at the Orthogenic School for five years. An introject, 贝特海姆 stated, requires an act of volition. By regulating Marcia’自婴儿期起便行使了基本职能,她的母亲不允许玛西娅自己采取任何行动。因此,坏母​​亲,坏对象没有被合并,而只是占有了玛西娅。做任何事情都意味着增加侵略者的力量,因此她什么也没做。’ 23 仅仅经过了五年的环境治疗,马西亚才被带到建立一个真正的自我的地步。在马西娅’年龄后的进步 16, 贝特海姆 wrote: ‘There was the move toward positive object relations coupled with a mastery of the outer world. But along with it came aggression and symptom formation. When I say symptom formation I do not wish to imply that autistic isolation cannot also be viewed as a symptom. But it is such an all encompassing one that I am reluctant to call it so. The symptoms I refer to [by ‘symptom formation’]处理的是相当分散的精通和防御方面,[Marcia]是为处理特定问题而开发的,而不是针对整个生命。24 Still, Marcia was not analyzable in the psychoanalytic sense. She continued to need a holding environment twenty four hours a day for several more years to help resolve the many childhood problems that arose apace after she had begun to conceptualize herself as a unique person. Wrote 贝特海姆: ‘This once totally frozen, non-reacting girl was now alive, full of feelings, and the appropriate ones. In Hardy’从某种意义上说,当她对生活一无所知时,我们向她求婚,[…直到逃避似乎是错误的,直到逃避直到它的歌声才出现,直到生活的aloofly变得比人们之间的生活更暗淡。25

贝特海姆’导师:西格蒙德

It is said that in old age we return to our origins in an attempt to make sense of our lives. 贝特海姆 (1983, 1990) did just that through two books, the first of which celebrated his understanding of 弗洛伊德 and which he hoped would set American psychology straight by analyzing the mistranslations of 弗洛伊德’s work from German into English. 贝特海姆 (1983)seemed to welcome delving into his own Viennese past, remembering his life in 弗洛伊德’s time and immersing himself once again in the cultural surroundings that influenced both himself and his great mentor. The mistranslations of 弗洛伊德, he felt, led to our misunderstanding of 弗洛伊德 and to errors in psychoanalytic technique. Words influence concepts, 贝特海姆 noted, so that the mistranslations conspicuously impacted the way psychoanalysts thought about 弗洛伊德’的理论。但是《弗洛伊德与人》中最重要的信息’s Soul is 贝特海姆’提醒弗洛伊德’尽管他本人致力于科学,但他的理论还是人本主义的。他引用了弗洛伊德’对荣格(Jung)的陈述:‘精神分析本质上是通过爱的治疗。 26 ‘Of the tension between a compassionate attitude and a 科学的 attitude toward man, 贝特海姆 wrote: ‘Freud often spoke [in German] of the soul-of its nature and structure, its development, its attributes, how it reveals itself in all we do and dream. Unfortunately, nobody who reads him in English could guess this, because nearly all his references to the soul, and to matters pertaining to the soul, have been excised in translation. This fact, combined with the erroneous translation of many of the most important original concepts of psychoanalysis, makes 弗洛伊德’对于我们的普通人而言,直接而深刻的个人诉求对英语读者来说是抽象的,去个性化的,高度理论化的,博学的和机械化的,简而言之,’陈述-关于我们头脑中奇怪而又非常复杂的运作方式。翻译并没有给我们所有人中最人类的事物灌输深切的感情,而是试图吸引读者发展一种“scientific”了解无意识及其如何影响我们的许多行为。’27

我们对弗洛伊德的理解的主要缺陷之一’的理论源于我们对弗洛伊德的不当使用’s conceptualization of the organization of the psyche. The three realms, conscious, preconscious, and unconscious, which are psychological constructs, were meant nonetheless, according to 贝特海姆, to appeal to us personally. Moreover, in choosing words to designate the structure of the mind, 贝特海姆 wrote, 弗洛伊德 used words familiar to every German child. By doing so he hoped that psychoanalysis would be accessible to a broad readership and would appeal to our most deeply felt experiences. 贝特海姆 noted that the title of 弗洛伊德’的德语书籍Das Ich Und Das Es(1923年)’ and the ‘it’-被翻译成拉丁文的对等物,而不是英语单词。 ‘将这些人称代词翻译成他们的拉丁语对等词-自我和id-而不是英语,将它们变成了冷门技术术语,没有引起任何个人联想。当然,在德语中,代词被赋予了深深的情感意义,因为读者一生都在使用它们。弗洛伊德’谨慎而原始的词语选择有助于直观理解他的意思。’28 他继续解释说,使用ego和id代替I会阻碍心理分析家’与患者结盟分析患者的目标’的冲突。精神分析认为,患者的自我必须与精神分析者相结合’s counsel in order to produce a cure. But, 贝特海姆 argued, ‘it is not the ego but the ‘I’ more12鼓励我们使无意识变得有意识并进行精神分析。’29 关于 a defensive patient, 贝特海姆 wrote it would be easy for such a patient to say: ‘I won’不再因我非理性的焦虑而奔波。’想象有人在说‘我的自我赢了’不再因非理性的焦虑而奔波。’ It is equally ludicrous to imagine that the distancing effect of the word ego would permit such a patient to ally himself with the analyst in any meaningful way while it is easy to imagine that such a patient would use the terms ego and id defensively to distance himself from the psychoanalytic process. The remedy, according to 贝特海姆, is to repersonalize psychoanalysis by being continuously aware that the English translations tend to distance us from our patients. Understanding 弗洛伊德’命名心理构想的目的将使我们适应他的教导以及我们的患者。

贝特海姆’s last work, 弗洛伊德’维也纳(Vienna)和其他杂文(1990)再次使他回到了他的起源,因为他在自传中讲述了他在维也纳的成长经历。这项工作一时难以归类,但却体现了他广泛的兴趣和他写论文的倾向,其中很多都是以书本形式合成的。根据他的个人经验,他撰写了有关儿童生活的评论。他描述了心理分析对他年轻时的吸引力,再次承认弗洛伊德 ’s place in his formative years. He wrote as well on autistic children and the significance of the holocaust for society generally and for children particularly. He retraced his steps in applying psychoanalysis to cultural issues and social problems as he contemplated what he had learned from 弗洛伊德, his great master. It is fitting that his last book was largely autobiographical, reflecting the beginnings of his dedication to the psychoanalytic tradition. The chapters on the meaning of the holocaust, in which he compared the experience of brutalized prisoners to the emotional anguish suffered by autistic children, contain nonetheless some hopeful writing on how we, in this modern age, can come to terms with society in more productive ways. While Bruno 贝特海姆 was ready, often eager, to search man’作为人类天性黑暗面的灵魂,他还致力于向我们展示克服复杂事物的方法,以人本主义的眼光振兴社会,并帮助我们在生活中找到多种多样的,个人的意义。

笔记

1. 卡伦·泽兰(美国). Psychotherapist and psychologist. Author, with Bruno 贝特海姆, of 关于学习阅读。 T的作者他知道的风险:学校学习的发展障碍。

2. August Aichhorn, 任性的青年,纽约,1965年,第2页。 v。

3. Bruno 贝特海姆, 爱是不够的,纽约,1950年,第2页。 137-38。

4.同上,p。 150

5.同上,p。 150

6. Bruno 贝特海姆, 与母亲对话,伊利诺伊州格伦科(Glencoe),1962年,第9页。 1。

7. Bruno 贝特海姆, 好父母 纽约,1987年,第2页。 111。

8.同上,p。 166。

9.同上,p。 167。

10. Bruno 贝特海姆, 附魔的用途,纽约,1976年,第2页。 5,

11. Bruno 贝特海姆, 知情的心,纽约,1960年,第2页。 vii-viii。

12.同上,p。八。

13. Bruno 贝特海姆 and Morris Janowitz, 社会变革与偏见,p。 273-74,伊利诺伊州格伦科,1964年。

14. Bruno 贝特海姆 and Karen Zelan, 关于学习阅读,纽约,1982年,第283-84页。

15. Bruno 贝特海姆, 象征性伤口 伊利诺伊州格伦科(Glencoe),1954年,第3页。 10。

16.同上。

17.同上,p。 59。

18. Bruno 贝特海姆, 空堡垒,纽约,1967年,第2页。 17。

19. Erik Erikson, 童年与社会,纽约,1950年,第2页。 181.13

20.空堡垒,同上。 cit。,p。 14。

21.让·皮亚杰(Jean Piaget), 意识的把握 剑桥,马萨诸塞州,1976,p。 353。

22. 空堡垒, op. cit., p. 200.

23.同上,p。 228。

24.同上,p。 229-30。

25.同上,p。 232。

26. Bruno 贝特海姆, 弗洛伊德 and Man’s Soul,纽约,1983年,第2页。 vi。

27.同上,第4-5页。

28.同上,p。 53。

29.同上,p。 56。

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版权notice

该文本最初发布于 前景:比较教育的季度回顾 (巴黎,联合国教科文组织:国际教育局),第一卷。第二十三号1993年1月1/2日85-100。

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