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比比, Clarence Edward (1902-1992)

比比-Clarence-Edward-smartkpi-photo-6W.L.的文章伦威克1

Clarence Edward 比比-Beeb as he came to be known to friends and colleagues-was born in June 1902 in Leeds, England, and emigrated with his family to Christchurch, New Zealand, at the age of 4. 比比 become one of the great New Zealanders of the twentieth century but he always remained aware of his Yorkshire heritage. And he attributed some of the personal qualities that marked his career-the capacity for sustained hard work, determination and competitiveness combined with practical mindedness, and self confidence, including a firm belief in the rightness of his opinions and decisions-to this.

形成性影响

比比’他的学术能力虽然很小,但又稍有建树,对团队比赛几乎没有兴趣,很快就显现出来了。他是基督城男孩中学的顶级学者之一,于1923年从坎特伯雷大学学院(Canterbury University College)取得哲学一等荣誉学位的文学硕士毕业,并且被授予新西兰学生为数不多的用于海外研究生学习的奖学金之一。他的兴趣主要是知识分子:辩论,戏剧和对人生的认真讨论’s purpose, leavened with student pranks as a vehicle for showing off. One sign of his precocity was that he became a Methodist lay preacher at the age of 16 or 17. 比比 intended to become a lawyer when he began his university studies but, switched to teaching under the influence of Professor James Shelley who, as foundation professor of education, had recently burst upon the Canterbury scene. An Englishman and protégé of J.J. Findlay at Manchester University, Shelley became the local embodiment of Renaissance man, so broadly did he interpret his subject, and so wide were his cultural interests. He presented education as a pervasive human experience that took place in all social and institutional settings, and which provided numerous opportunities for individuals to discover and nurture talents that would enrich their lives. Under the spell of his teaching, his students were imbued with a mission to bring about the fullest personal development of children and teenagers and, as a corollary, the social and cultural progress of New Zealanders. Under his guidance, 比比 and a number of other students pioneered important educational developments in the city and the province-and 比比 later played important roles in converting these provincial initiatives into national policies.

雪莱很有魅力,但他也是一个时机已到的人。他在演讲中提出的教育远景也是新西兰大学所有四所组成学院中规定供教育学生阅读的两篇课文的信息:Percy Nunn’教育:其数据和基本原则,以及约翰·杜威’学校和社会。努恩’这本优雅的书以其为确保优胜劣汰而必须做的工作的内容为背景,强调了人类个性的重要性以及教育在最大限度地发展个性方面的作用。杜威重视个人的重要性,而不是重视经验的性质,应该通过正规和非正规的教育机构来介绍儿童。个人和社会不应被视为对立,而应相互作用。民主社会中的教育应使每一代人都能了解2 society by experiencing it and, as a result, both individual and society should change for the better. Virtually all teachers who entered the teaching profession between 1920 and 1950 had read or been introduced to Dewey and Nunn and shared a common understanding of the aims of education in a democracy. When, therefore, first as Director of the New Zealand Council for 教育al 研究 and then as Director of 教育 for the national system, 比比 began to express his reforming ideas, he could count on strong support from men and women who, like him, were assuming positions of influence in the teaching profession. The very small number of New Zealand students of 比比’s generation who proceeded to Ph.D. went overseas, usually to British universities, and then became expatriates. 比比 went to Manchester but gravitated to London, where Charles Spearman supervised his research and introduced him to Cyril Burt, J.C. Flugal, and other psychologists working in the field of human intelligence, abilities, and attainments. He also met the German psychologists Köhler and Kaffka, and was influenced by their Gestalt theory.

应用心理学与教育研究

比比返回坎特伯雷学院哲学系,教授实验心理学并指导其心理实验室。他善于交际,喜欢争论和直截了当,尽管他的宗教信仰正在消退,但他决心将心理知识应用到人类的实际活动中,他的传教冲动显然可见一斑。他的研究兴趣是产业心理学,犯罪青年的改革,职业指导和教育测试的使用。 1929年,他访问了美国和加拿大,在那里遇到了正在使用他的智力测验的刘易斯·特曼(Lewis Terman),犯罪学家Shelden Glueck,从事补救性阅读研究的开拓者Grace Fernald,以及在美国霍桑大学霍桑分校研究的Elton Mayo。 Western Electric在社会科学词汇中添加了一个新短语。比比的模式’现在,他是一名应用心理学家,他的职业生涯很明确:他正在远离欧洲和美利坚合众国知识分子前线的一所小型大学中进行教学和研究,但正在与他所在领域的领先男性和女性建立专业联系自己的研究兴趣。 1934年,坎特伯雷学院哲学系主任和新西兰教育研究理事会(NZCER)的新任局长都任职之际,他不得不做出艰难的职业生涯第一选择。尽管新职位仅保证了五年的资金投入,但他还是选择了创建一个新的,具有更大教育研究范围的研究组织的挑战。作为董事,他与美国慈善基金会卡内基公司(Carnegie Corporation)建立了工作关系,该基金会为NZCER投入了资金,不仅会影响其随后的职业,而且会为他提供实现教育变革的典范。卡内基公司通过其员工和许多领域的专家网络,成为思想和创新的交换所。它为考察旅行提供的旅行补助金使教育领导人能够熟悉其他国家在该领域的重要发展。通过使来自另一个国家的专家能够与负责开拓自己的新事态的人们一起工作,这使得后来的对口培训成为可能。 比比在担任NZCER主任的四年中,从这些合作中受益匪浅。他于1940年成为教育总监时,将其用作在新西兰教育体系中进行变革的一种手段。战后,作为联合国教科文组织’在其成立初期,他是教育部的助理总干事,他向该组织介绍了卡内基方法’s working methods.3

平等的教育机会

1935年底,新西兰人选举了他们的第一个工党政府。副总理彼得·弗雷泽(Peter Fraser)出任教育部长并发起了半个多世纪以来最全面的国家体制改革,这清楚地表明了其对教育改革的承诺。弗雷泽(Fraser)在1940年成为总理,在他的领导下,新西兰可以声称是第一个重建公共教育的国家,其目的是提供平等的教育机会。到第二次世界大战结束时,当该目标成为西方世界其他地区的教育主旋律时,新西兰教育体系的重建已取得了很大进展。 比比于1938年被任命为教育部副主任,并于1940年被任命为教育部主任,并且是政府的首席教育顾问,直到1960年退休。’的政治视野和比比’的专业领导在新西兰是独一无二的’的教育历史。没有弗雷泽’由于致力于消除教育不平等,因此,比比(Beeby)领导的教育重建将没有政治支持。没有比比’独特的品质,弗雷泽(Fraser)几乎不可能’如此彻底的改革意图。 比比的原因很多’他的成功-敏锐的头脑,对问题的把握,对自己正在做的事情的信念,具有说服力的口头和书面能力,对成功的决心以及精力和毅力。他很幸运,作为教育主管,他还是新西兰大学参议院的一员,该参议院决定了大学教育政策。为了成功,政府’教育改革需要参议院与教育部门之间的紧密合作,而比比(Beeby)曾以大学老师的经验工作,因此获得了这一殊荣。他是一位出色的教育管理者,与众不同的特征是他不仅在学校和教室里,而且在男孩和女孩以及男人和女人的日常生活中了解教育的意义。他有能力将改革后的教育体系视为一个格式塔;以及最大的好运,不仅是在正确的时间在正确的地方担任正确的人,而且要留在那里足够长的时间,对弗雷泽产生实际影响’s reforming vision.

全面的教育改革是一个长期的项目,并且面临着政治命运变化的风险,而教育管理者对此无法控制。新西兰’s reform included several changes of minister and a change of government half-way through, and the fact that the reforming agenda of a left-of-centre government was endorsed by its right-of-centre successor testifies to the confidence that ministers of education of both political parties had in 比比’s judgement. Many of the policies for reform called for the creation of new institutions and educational services, and he was fortunate in being able to develop them without stultifying opposition from existing educational interests. The post-war increases in birth rates meant that many new schools were needed, and it was possible to create a new type of school-the multilateral post primary school-built and staffed to give effect to a new post primary curriculum. Vocational education at the tertiary level was, for the most part, still to be developed, and so was open to innovation without threatening the roles of the university and teachers colleges. The voluntary organizations providing early childhood education and adult education welcomed government initiatives in their fields and were more than ready to cooperate. And the teaching profession, rejuvenated by an influx of new recruits, strongly supported policies that most of its members thought were right for a democracy. There was, of course, opposition, but 比比 was equal to it in his advocacy. The progressive education movement in New Zealand of the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s owed much to many men and women but to none more than 比比.4

第三世界国家的教育

1945年,比比’作为政府的责任’的首席教育顾问扩展到南太平洋,首先扩展到联合国西萨摩亚’信托领土,以及由新西兰管理并准备自治的库克群岛,纽埃和托克劳群岛地区。他感到不安的是,在评估了这些小岛上的教育状况之后,他正在提议在那里对新西兰感到遗憾的政策,并寻求取代。然后,在1946年,他开始积极参与联合国教科文组织的教育计划,随着他在发展中国家增加对教育的了解,他将该知识合理化为教育发展阶段的理论。比比在1946年的第一届联合国教科文组织大会上给人留下了深刻的印象。作为国家代表团的唯一领导人,他既可能是教育家,又是国家教育系统的首席行政官,他可以根据学校和其他教育机构在教学方面的直接个人经验以及改革国民教育的挑战发表讲话。系统。当选主席,第一个全权证书委员会,程序委员会,他站了出来,他的机智,戏剧感和技能指导与意见分歧,商定结论的人。他在联合国教科文组织中发挥了重要作用’直到1960年代中期才开始担任内部议会的职务,直到1992年他90岁生日时,都被定期作为其资深政治家之一接受咨询。1960年退休后,比比被任命为新西兰驻法国大使,这使他倍受关注在联合国教科文组织’的工作。他当选为执行局于1960年和1963年是主席他早年的国际教育规划研究所,教科文组织也起到了积极的作用’的职员学院,面向发展中国家的教育管理人员。他编辑了颇具影响力的IIEP系列出版物的前22个标题,即《教育计划的基础》。在他的职业生涯中,他对编辑产生了浓厚的兴趣,每位撰写过他的文本的作者都发现这种经历具有挑战性和丰富性。他在国际教育规划研究所(IIEP)的最高成就是担任教育质量研讨会的负责人和报告的编辑。2到1960年代中期,比比’对教育发展的了解是无与伦比的。第三世界国家的教育发展概念是有问题的-并不是从激进意义上讲会在十年后开始激起争论,而是因为第三世界与工业化国家之间的差距巨大。直到1960年代,在西方制度发展模式的影响下进行现代化仍然是大多数第三世界国家发展纲领的主旋律。这些计划的大多数专家意见-和Beeby’s是来自西方国家的典型例子,植根于其历史经验。发展中国家的大多数领导人本人都是在大都市国家接受教育的,仍然将其教育机构和制度作为自己国家发展的榜样。他们的问题很大,而且迫切感促使他们前进。他们希望在十年左右的时间内完成工业化国家要花一个世纪甚至更长的时间才能实现的教育发展。

美国经济学家罗斯托(W. W. Rostow)用经济增长模型吸引了人们的想象,其主要特征是经济“起飞”的概念。’,而发展中国家的国家规划则致力于创造实现这一目标的条件。国家计划以对教育基础充其量是充裕的国家的定量扩展的预测为主导。实现普及初等教育的预计费用与发展中国家支付或维持其费用的能力之间存在巨大差距。关于是否有可能通过使用诸如电视,广播和程序化教学之类的教育媒体来避免雇用大量训练有素的老师的其他高成本问题,进行了认真的讨论。5Beeby精通这种发展计划模式,使他感到困惑的是,在强调数量扩张的同时,教育被认为是国家计划的组成部分,但却没有真正理解其作为亚文化的内部动力。原因之一是,他最敏锐的理由是缺乏一本可供其他学科的计划者用来指导在规划和执行国家发展计划中面临的教育问题的著作。对于像他本人一样沉迷于发展规划政治的教育家们,他说,他们一直在忙于拯救灵魂,以至于他们忽略了他们的神学。

教育质量

Beginning with a paper for the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1961,and ending with an exchange of views with Gerard Guthrie in the 国际教育评论 in 1980, 比比 addressed himself to what he saw as the central conceptual issue of educational developing in Third World countries: how to bring about change that would result in qualitative improvement in an education system. A period of residence at Harvard University enabled him to write 发展中国家的教育质量 (1966), the book by which he is best known internationally.3The focus of his theory is narrower than is implied by the title of that book which, it needs to be remembered, was written in the mid 1960s. Achieving universal primary education and eradicating illiteracy among adults were, above all others, the burning issues at that time. Everyone involved in trying to achieve these objectives was bombarded with quantitative estimates-of the percentage of illiterates, the percentage of children not receiving any form of primary schooling, the supply of teachers in particular countries and the percentages who were trained and untrained, the demand for teachers and projections of the numbers that would be needed to supply it, etc.

比比 had been an educational administrator long enough to know that this was all necessary information for planners, but he also knew that the quality of the performance of an education system raised altogether different issues for which practical answers must be found. Of these, he singled out the quality of primary school-teachers as the most important factor in achieving the educational objectives of national development plans. He bracketed out all other educational influences that might shape children’s development and concentrated on the one educational institution-the primary school-that was at the time the central concern of modernising Third World governments. And he was convinced that there were no shortcuts to improving the quality of national education systems. Drawing on the historical experience of industrialised nations since the early years of the nineteenth century, he argued that, considered in terms of the educational quality their teachers achieved, they had all progressed through a series of stages. As a psychologist, 比比 was at home with human analogies: he took his metaphor of the development of an education system not from Rostow, whose book he had not then read, but from a psychologist of an earlier generation, G. Stanley Hall, whose writings on the stages of development of children he had read during his student days. 比比 identified four stages in the growth of a primary school system, each of them associated with teachers who differed in their professional training and whose teaching had characteristic features.

为了将这个方案从描述转换为论文,Beeby提出了两个假设:A.大多数小学系统的质量增长都有可识别的进步,一个阶段具有其特殊性,是该阶段的必要前奏。如下。 B.阶段的通过受到普通教育水平和教师专业培训水平的限制。作为一名逻辑学的一次性老师,他指出假设A可能是正确的,而假设B是错误的,并且B下的变化是A发生变化的必要但不足的原因。图1.小学系统的成长阶段( 1)(2)(3)(4)阶段教师的特征教师分布I.贵妇学校受过教育的,未经训练的,无组织的,相对无意义的符号;主题内容非常狭窄-3 R’s;低标准;记住所有重要的东西。形式主义受过良好教育,训练有素高度组织化;含义有限的符号;严格的方法-一种最佳方法’;一本教科书;外部检查;检查强调;纪律严明和外部;背负沉重的压力;情感生活在很大程度上被忽略了。三,过渡受过良好教育,训练有素的目标与第二阶段大致相同,但更有效地实现了目标;更加强调含义,但仍然很“薄”’正式的教学大纲和教科书的限制较少,但教师不愿使用更大的自由;最后的离职考试常常限制了实验;很少在教室里照顾孩子的情感和创造力。 IV。含义受过良好教育,训练有素的含义和理解;课程范围更广,内容和方法多种多样;满足个人差异;活动方法,问题解决能力和创造力;内部测试;轻松而积极的纪律;情感和审美生活以及知识分子;与社区关系更紧密;更好的建筑物和设备必不可少。来源: C.E. 比比, of education in developing countries,哈佛大学出版社,剑桥MASS。,1966年,第2页。 72

It is clear from 比比’s discussion in 发展中国家的教育质量, and in later writings, that he offered his thesis of stages as a first approximation to a theory of educational development. He hoped that by placing questions of educational quality in the context of plans and programmes for national development, and by proposing a conceptual framework for the analysis of educational change over time, economic and educational researchers would be stimulated to work together on empirical studies to elucidate the factors associated with improvements in t发展中国家的教育质量. However, he was largely disappointed. The absence of dialogue between educationists and economists on theoretical issues of educational development had created the hiatus 比比 wanted to bridge; but such is disciplinary insularity that educationists and economists working on development issues continued to pursue their researches independently of each other. In a caustic review, John Vaizey said that he could not recognize any economist he knew in 比比’对“经济学家”的描述’。另一方面,教育家发现很容易与“ ’.4 成长论的阶段’这是一个勇敢的尝试,试图设计一个解释性的方案,既要涵盖发达的又要包括发达的教育体系。但是,它无法避免因试图从发展中不同阶段从许多不同国家汲取的大量细节进行概括而受到批评的情况。几个发展中国家的教育学家使用阶段理论作为研究项目的基础,并且具有一定的资格,发现它提供了有用的研究模型。5 Fifteen years after it was published, Gerald Guthrie subjected the thesis to a careful analysis in The international review of education, to which 比比 responded.6 It was an urbane exchange of views. Guthrie argued that the thesis did not offer a sound model for research because it rested on an unspoken set of values and that, conceptually, the four stages were not sufficiently distinct and could not be used as a sound basis for empirical research. 比比 countered by saying, rightly in my view, that all educational development, being directed towards objectives, is inescapably and properly normative. The exchange of views was valuable for the light it shed on the difficulty of writing criteria for the comparative assessment of education systems, and 比比 agreed that some of Guthrie’s criticisms of the language describing the four stages were valid, conceded that his characterization of primary schools in stage IV, the stage of meaning, gave a privileged status to his own ‘progressive ‘values, and offered a new formulation to remove it. It was within the education sector, especially among educational administrators and those involved in the teacher education and the training of educational administrators in developing countries, that 教育质量 made its main impact. There, it had a tonic effect. It addressed issues of great practical concern to them using a language that they understood, and it did so with sparkling clarity and on the authority of an internationally acclaimed educational administrator. Above all, it gave them arguments to use in advocating higher levels of national commitment to the professional education of primary teachers and supporting services. It was thus more as a teaching aid and as a source of justifying argument, than as a generator of research aimed at testing his theory, that 比比’s教育质量取得了成功。

Questions of quality must be tackled at many levels in an education system, and what characterized all 比比’s writings from 1940, when he became the chief professional adviser to a government for a national system of education, was his ability to grasp, articulate-and indeed dramatize-what must be done in the circumstances of the moment to improve the quality of an education system considered as a system. Experience had also made him wise to the many things that could frustrate the best-laid reforming plans, and he often used the image of the parallelogram of forces to illustrate their practical effect. The line of educational advance, he argued, would lie somewhere between the opposing forces of reform and resistance. People outside the teaching profession identified resistance to change with one thing, the conservatism of teachers. 比比 teased out the reasons for resistance: poorly articulated reform goals; teachers who neither understand what was expected of them nor believed in it; the fact that teachers were themselves the product of the system in which they worked, many of them having spent virtually their whole lives in it; the isolation of teachers working alone in classrooms; and in the range of their collective professional ability. The image of the parallelogram of forces finds its place in 发展中国家的教育质量 on the right hand side of the chart (see Figure 1 ) in which 比比 set out his stages of growth. There, it summarizes the game plan of a reforming administrator intent on improving the quality of education in a system. The vertical line X-Y represents from top to bottom the range from stage I to stage IV. The ‘ultimate skill of the administrator reformer’, he wrote,‘取决于他对决定CBQ角最大锐度的因素的敏感度,我们可以称其为琐碎的小角度,即改革角度’。从1980年的有利时机回望,他很清楚,发展中国家所面临的问题已经不同于1960年代初的问题。到那时,中等教育以前所未有的方式被提上了议事日程。诸如终身学习之类的替代策略正在提出有关教育目标和优先事项的新问题。对质量的追求不再等同于一个国家的质量’s primary teachers. Nor could it any longer be expected that the quality of primary education in developing countries could be assessed using a single-dimensional, cognitive scale: the apparent universality of Western educational values was very much in contention. 价值观 比比 had acknowledged but bracketed out of his discussion of the institutional role of primary schools-religious, ethnic, cultural, and communal values-were by then at the heart of educational debates in all countries, developed and developing, in ways they had not been in the early 1960s.

由于比比将其论文作为对教育发展领域理论构建的第一个贡献,因此可以预期,它引起的大多数讨论都将集中于其作为解释模型的有效性。在他的假设中,很少有人关注增长的一个阶段是随后阶段必不可少的前奏。无论他的阶段结构对评估教育系统的质量是否有用,问题仍然在于,政府是否有可能加快导致质量改进的过程。那是他在1960年代初参加辩论时各国政府面临的问题,它仍然是所有已开发和正在发展的教育系统的中央计划问题。采用卡尔·波普尔’比比是证伪的原则,比比写道,如果发展中国家跳过将其小学教师升至第四级(即意义阶段)的阶段,这将是一个例外,至少可以证明他的论点,或者至少会导致其论点被大大修改。原因之一是没有发生,并且在可预见的将来似乎不太可能发生。进行正规教学的场所中所有公共教育系统的主要特征是其组织为家庭手工业。以专业知识为最重要资源的教师是熟练的工匠,他们使用可用的工具进行授课,以便学生上课。教学是劳动密集型的,所有系统中教师的薪水已成为支出的主要支出。只要继续保持这种模式,对教育系统质量改进的追求将以很小的增量来衡量,因此跳过阶段或使所有学生短期内达到预定水平的可能性仍然遥不可及。比比’老师和行政人员的整个职业生涯都是在这种家庭产业模式内进行的,因为那是发展中国家也采用的那种模式,他专注于教师的教学,而不是学生的学习,并把正规教育系统的教室作为基本的教育网站。期望他提出一个全新的模型是不切实际的,因为作为一个经验丰富的教育管理者,他知道自己必须面对教育世界。但是直到从教师教学到学生学习发生了范式转变,直到政府9能够并准备向学生投资更大比例的国家研究与开发预算’学习,以及如何改善以及如何为所有学生提供便利,比比’的假设将未经检验。从某种意义上说,现在通过信息和通信技术打开的可能性是当下的灵丹妙药,因为广播,电视和程序化机构是在1960年代。但是,本质的区别在于,通过将教学内容整合到教育软件中,能够通过使其互动性来使学习个性化以及能够使其适应学习者的情况,信息技术提供了一种真正的可能性,即教育可以针对正在学习的学生而不是正在教书的老师重新设计系统。这将需要对公共教育系统进行概念化和资助的方式上的一场革命:必须根据专业知识和专业知识,将其从家庭式的产业转变为资本密集型的​​产业。与1960年代不同,政策问题不是如何替换老师或用教具支持他们,而是如何利用他们的专业知识-首先创建复杂的学习材料,然后管理学生’学习发生在哪里。比比之一 ’我们的格言是,接受良好的教育总比付出的代价多。自从他写《发展中国家的教育质量》以来的30年中,在教育系统方面的经验强烈表明,要为教育系统中的所有学习者带来有计划的质变,将需要一种不同的范例以及更多的支出。

反思经验

关于比比的奇异之处’生活是实践行动与反思的持续相互作用。在1960年代,1970年代和1980年代,他是政府和国际机构在许多教育发展项目上的顾问,这些使他得以进一步发展关于在质量上改进教育体系的思想。其中最著名的是在1970年代,作为印度尼西亚政府计划和实施第二个五年教育计划的顾问。印度尼西亚政府委托福特基金会对实施情况进行外部评估,比比在构思,计划和实施方面起着领导作用。这使他的所有专业技能都可以运用到一个具有重大实际意义的新颖项目中。这也是需要认真处理的问题,因为在当时,发展中国家通常不接受外部对其自身绩效的审查,并同意出版一本记录该文本的书,这是不寻常的。已发表的报告是《印度尼西亚教育评估:规划指南》(1979年)。一如既往,比比 ’该计划的定性结果令人担忧,而本书则是对该计划政治背景,计划中设定的目标以及影响该结果的诸多因素(计划中的预期改进)之间相互作用的扩展评论。印度尼西亚的质量’的初等教育。这本书的重要性在于它的特殊性。受制于各种限制的教育改革总是时刻受到社会及其教育体系的特殊影响,并且总是在非常具体的政治环境中进行。该书是为印尼政客和行政管理人员撰写的,但对于比比在《发展中国家的教育质量》中概括性解决的问题的案例研究,它对发展计划者具有更广泛的重要性。 比比于1968年返回新西兰,而NZCER提供了一个办公室供其首位退休名誉主管工作。从智力上讲,这也是一个归宿。像许多其他新西兰男人和女人一样,他的职业生涯因公共教育系统为他开放的教育机会而得以实现。作为教育主管,他一直致力于将教育机会均等从短语转变为改革目标,在战后的国际经历中,他将其视为教育计划的主导理想。他决定筛选一下自己经历的含义并写下来。

The book he wrote is aptly entitled The biography of an idea. There is a good deal of autobiography in it, but it is tailored to 比比’的主题。它以令人着迷的故事开始,讲述了一个干练的,有才干的年轻学者,一个竞争激烈的,有选择性的公共教育系统的成功毕业生,为重建该系统负责,目的是使教育机会民主化。然后,他展示了在以往经验的基础上,平等的教育机会如何成为他的思想和新西兰教育政策的主要特征;这个想法在他工作过的第三世界各个国家的不同情况下是如何产生的;回顾过去,他如何评估自己对这个想法的理解,这个想法在1940-60年间还没有先例或丰富的经验可借鉴。通过发光,使本书具有统一性,是他对解释的热情以及对问题根源的决心。能够说明他的特质的是能使他区别于优秀的国内和国际教育家的特质:他构想要回答的问题时内心与思想的结合;不断探究证据和他自己对证据的解释的探测情报;制定切实可行的政策以表达抽象思想和信念的能力;以及向他人传达他对未来可能性的看法的礼物。读了他清晰明了的散文后,他感觉到了为什么他如此精通政策,–几乎不那么重要-这样的技巧倡导者。

He was also reflecting on the purposive nature of all educational effort. In criticizing his thesis of stages of growth as teleological, Guthrie had thought he had dealt the theory a mortal blow, but, as 比比 came to see it, educational myths are to educational reformers what paradigms are to scientists. The great myths of education, he argued, win assent because they are statements of purposes, and there are few important things that can be said about education without a teleological base. Theories of education that go beyond the barest mechanics are never value-free. It is the element of purpose, often reinforced by deep feeling, that gives this type of educational myth its peculiar significance and tenacity. I have come to believe that what the paradigm is to the natural scientist, the dominant myth is to the educator. The myth offers to those who accept it the unity of a common purpose, shared belief in objectives that are not too closely defined, and a temporary and tacitly agreed suspension of disbelief-for, by definition, a myth cannot be in every sense true. In a profession where healthy scepticism is almost as necessary as faith, it is no easy business to establish such a myth. It is possible only if the myth is an expression, in educational terms, of social purposes that are widely accepted in the community; it is not the prerogative of the profession to manufacture completely new myths.8 By the time of his ninetieth birthday, 比比 had been justly and variously honoured for his distinguished contribution to educational innovation during nearly seventy years and had become a myth in his own right.节日庆典,国际研讨会,许多其他功能和庆祝活动以及来自全球各地男女的感谢和赞美信息,勾勒了一个男人的公共生活的帷幕,而这正是思想型教育管理者的缩影。10

笔记

1.威廉·伦威克(新西兰)新西兰教育总监,1975-88年,移动目标:关于教育的六篇论文自1988年以来,是Stout研究中心荣誉高级研究员 新西兰社会历史文化研究,惠灵顿维多利亚大学,惠灵顿,新西兰。

2. Phillip Coombs,‘回顾联合国教科文组织的起源’国际教育规划研究所’, inThe 比比 fascicles,1,p。 50-51;雅克·哈拉克(Jacques Hallak), ‘今天的教育计划‘,同上,6,p。 10和21-22。

3. C.E. 比比, T发展中国家的教育质量,哈佛,剑桥,1966.11

4. J.E. Vaisey,对“发展中国家的教育质量’, 哈佛教育评论(马萨诸塞州剑桥),第一卷。 36号1966年第4期,第2页。 533-36。

5. J.M. Barrington,老师和教育发展的阶段, 英国教师教育杂志, 卷6号1980年2月,第2页100-14。

6. Gerard Guthrie, Stages of educational development 比比 revisited, 国际教育评论 (Hamburg, UIE), vol.26, no.4, 1980, p. 411-38, and 445-59; C.E. 比比, Reply to Gerard Guthrie, p. 439-44, and 十四年后的阶段论文,第451-74。

7. C.E. 比比, 发展中国家的教育质量,同上。 cit。,p。 74。

8. C.E. 比比, W.L.简介伦威克,“移动目标:关于教育政策的六篇论文”,1986年,p。十三。

9.学术奖项包括获得新西兰大学哲学博士学位的一等硕士学位。获得曼彻斯特大学的荣誉博士学位,并获得奥塔哥大学,坎特伯雷大学和惠灵顿维多利亚大学的荣誉博士学位。专业奖项包括因在澳大利亚和新西兰的杰出教育而获得的麦基奖章,被联合国教科文组织授予丝路奖章(1992年)和美国国家教育学院的外国协理地位。民事荣誉包括圣迈克尔和圣乔治勋章的同伴,以及新西兰的新西兰勋章’最高的公共荣誉,仅限20名男女,他是基金会的成员。

10. Clarence 比比 died in New Zealand on 10 March 1998. Select bibliography 比比,C.E.,ed。教育规划的质量方面,巴黎,联合国教科文组织,国际教育规划研究所,1969年。

–.1966. 发展中国家的教育质量,马萨诸塞州剑桥市,哈佛大学出版社。

–.1979 印尼教育评估。规划指南。新西兰惠灵顿教育研究委员会。

–。十四年后的阶段论文。 国际教育评论 (汉堡,UIE),第1卷。 26号1980年4月,第47页。 451-74。

–.1992 The biography of an idea: 比比 on education, 新西兰惠灵顿教育研究委员会。

Pickens, K.; Shipley, C. 1992. Select bibliography of C.E. 比比. In: The 比比 fascicles,不。 6,第25-39岁。

伦威克,1992年。改革总监的肖像,在: The 比比 fascicles,1,p。 3-29。

版权notice

该文本最初发布于 前景:比较教育的季度回顾 (巴黎,联合国教科文组织:国际教育局,第二十八卷,1998年6月第2期,第335-48页。

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